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Boston University* 



AH hail the power of Jesus' name! 

Let angels prostrate fall; 
Bring forth the royal diadem, 

And crown him Lord of all. 

Crown him, ye morning stars of light, 

Who fixed this earthly ball; 
Now hail the strength of Israel's might. 

And crown him Lord of all. 

Ye chosen seed of Israel's race, 

Ye ransomed from the fall, 
Hail him who saves you by his grace, 

And crown him Lord of all. 

Sinners, whose love can ne'er forget 

The wormwood and the gall; 
Go, spread your trophies at his feet, 

And crown him Lord of all. 

Let every kindred, every tribe, 

On this terrestrial ball. 
To him all majesty ascribe, 

And crown him Lord of all. 

O that with yonder sacred throng 

We at his feet may fall! 

We'll join the everlasting song. 

And crown him Lord of all. 

— Edward Perronet. 

God and Government 



<V By ^^zT" 


Author of ** The Joy of Prayer " 

Introduction by 


Ex-Speaker Illinois House of Representatives, and Former 
Comptroller United States Treasury, Washington, D. C. 

The Lord reigneth ; let the earth rejoice ; let the multitude of 
isles be glad thereof, — 'Psa* 97, t. 




Copyright, 1904 

All rights reserved 

\\ l^i 


The Woman's Christian Temperance Union 

in recognition of 





THIS book is not a volume of sermons or lectures. 
The matter here produced was never before pre- 
sented in pubUc discourse. The Scripture texts 
heading the chapters are used merely to present the 
leading thought on the subject treated in the brief 
language of God's Word. 

Appreciating the scope and the importance of the 
great themes in contemplation, the very best resources 
on the outline of thought here presented have been 
studiously consulted and utilized to develop new and 
conclusive opinions on the civic and social issues of the 
day as related to the rulings of Christ our King in the 
great conflict for God's supremacy and sovereignty in 
our Republic and in all Christian civilization. 

Realizing that we are in a practical age of telegraph 
messages and ten-minute speeches, verbosity and la- 
borious deliberations have been avoided and the ut- 
most brevity, as well as clearness and conciseness of 
style, has been observed, so as to place the great 
field of thought explored within a narrow compass 
easily available to the busiest reader. 




Introduction 11 

I. Sovereignty op God 15 

II. Divinity in Government 33 

III. National Safeguards 45 

IV. Resources of Reform 59 

V. Social Revolution 83 

VI. Church and State Ill 

VII. International Fraternalism 127 

VIII. Race Problems 145 

IX. Industrial Solutions 175 

X. Our National Ideal 213 

XI. Supremacy of Law 239 

XII. Christian Citizenship 283 


** A^OD AND GOVERNMENT " should be read 
Vj by all lovers of vigorous English and fair 
play. The discussions of this new and sprightly 
book cover the living questions of the hour, and elu- 
cidate the great civic and social problems that will 
not down until they are fully argued and correctly 


The high moral tone given to the subjects treated 
gives the author a standing which at once insures him 
a candid hearing. His presentation is clear, forcible, 
and diplomatic. He is at times severe, but always 
sound in his philosophy and logical in his conclusions. 

The chapters on "Sovereignty of God," "Divinity 
in Government," " National Safeguards," "Resources 
of Reform," "Social Revolution," "Church and 
State," and "International Fraternalism " are val- 
uable contributions to the literature of applied Chris- 
tianity as related to our civic and social life. His 
review of "Race Problems," including as it does the 
discussions of " Our Foreign Population," " The Ameri- 
can Indian," "The Negro Problem," "The Jewish 
Question," and like subjects, is a model of its class, 
and should be read by all who are interested in those 
questions. His discussion of "Capital and Labor," 
"Anarchy," "Paternal Government," "Supremacy of 


12 Introduction 

Law," "Lynching and Laxity of Courts," and "Chris- 
tian Citizenship," to be properly appreciated, should 
be read. 

In an age when pessimism proclaims a gospel of 
despair, and when State atheism thrives unrebuked, 
such a book as this is timely and has an important 
mission. The whole volume, based as it is upon the 
idea of divine supremacy, is worthy a place in the 
library of any student of living questions and serious 

While there is a diversity of opinion on several of 
the important questions discussed, and while some 
readers may not agree with all the author has said, 
nor in all cases with his manner of putting the prop- 
osition, they will all admire his candor, his courage, 
and the skill and ability with which he keeps to the 
front the divine influence. 

In conclusion, on the subject of "Christian Citizen- 
ship," the author boldly presses to the front this 
statement: "Thus it is apparent that the typical 
American and the ideal citizen ought to be — indeed, 
must be — in the highest and broadest sense of the 
term, a Christian gentleman." 

I cheerfully recommend the entire volume to the 
reading public, in the belief that it will be read with 
pleasure and that all who read it will be profited 
thereby. A. C. Matthews. 



God ever glorious! 
Sovereign of nations! 
Wave the banner of peace o'er the land. 
Thine is the victory, 
Thine the salvation; 
Strong to deliver, own we thy hand. 

Still may thy blessing rest, 

Father most holy, 
Over each mountain, rock, river, and shore. 

Sing "HaUelujah!" 

Shout in hosannas! 

God keep our country free evermore! 

— Smith. 



*' The Most High ruleth in the kingdom of men." — Dan. 4. 17. 

WHAT think ye of Christ? This is the supreme 
question of the ages; and the responsibiUty 
of the disposal of this cardinal interrogative of our 
Lord is incumbent upon Christians both individually 
and nationally. 

Our Saviour himself plainly signified the twofold 
relation of the individual believer to the spiritual 
kingdom and to the government of the State by his 
distinct injunction: "Render therefore unto Csesar 
the things that are Caesar's, and unto God the things 
that are God's.'' Individual Christianity and State 
atheism are two things so entirely at variance with 
each other that both cannot consistently be compo- 
nent parts of one and the same character. The 
true Christian faith is largely and necessarily a theo- 
cratic faith, a faith which acknowledges divine 
rulership in all national affairs. 


16 God and Government 

This was the faith of our fathers, the founders of 
our great RepubHc, though not Uterally inscribing 
the name of Christ in the Constitution as the Ruler 
of Nations; though denying the organic unity of 
Church and State, though rejecting the idea of a 
reUgious hierarchy — the rule of priesthood or clergy 
— yet they were largely God-honoring men, and rec- 
ognized the rulership of God as the ground of all 
sovereignty and authority. 

This idea of divine sovereignty, which has been 
perpetuated as a dominant principle in our national 
life and history, is evidently in accordance with the 
teachings of the divine Word, which speaks just as 
distinctly of Christ's kingly character as it does of 
his prophetic and priestly offices. Though Jesus of 
Nazareth refused to be crowned by his followers as 
an earthly ruler of a temporal kingdom, yet he em- 
phatically asserted his eternal and spiritual sover- 
eignty in the royal declaration : " I am a king. To 
this end was I born, and for this cause I came into 
the world, that I should bear witness unto the truth." 
History has demonstrated that this declaration of 
our Lord was not mere figurative language, but that 
it has real and abiding significance. 

Christ was God incarnate, ^'the Most High," who 
"ruleth in the kingdom of men." This accounts for 
the scope and the magnitude of his power as the Great 

Sovereignty of God 17 

Unseen King, who overrules and counteracts the 
gigantic Satanic forces of the world and wields the 
destiny of nations to accomplish his purpose of divine 
sovereignty among men. 

Though the unbelieving world is blind to provi- 
dential leadings, yet to the Christian observer there 
are positive and undoubted evidences of God's rul- 
ings in the kingdoms of men. By marvelous dispen- 
sations of Providence, overruling evil for good and 
making all things subservient to the divine will, na- 
tional events in both Jewish and Gentile history, 
though otherwise intended, were made to play 
important parts in the great Messianic drama of 
preparation for the dawn of the Christian era. 

Israel, God's chosen nation, was divinely placed in 
such relation with Egyptian and Chaldean glory that 
she might become better equipped with literary and 
material resources and enjoy greater advantages for 
proclaiming to mankind the knowledge of the one 
true and living God. Rome ascended to civil su- 
premacy and with worldly purpose formulated excel- 
lent codes of law and built great highways to her 
remotest boundaries, and thus unconsciouslv and 
unintentionally provided civil protection and means 
of communication for the coming messengers of the 
Gospel. Alexander, with his great army, swept 

down from Macedonia, through Greece, across the 

18 God and Government 

Hellespont, into Palestine and surrounding coun- 
tries. His object was conquest; but he served a 
better purpose than he knew by giving to the Jewish 
people the fittest language ever known for the em- 
bodiment of the Gospel and the earliest Christian 

Thus the succession of undoubted providential 
events in history preparing the world for the first 
advent of the Messianic King justify the common 
belief in a divine sovereignty shaping national desti- 
nies preparatory to his second and final coming and 
reign in millennial glory. Though the plans of God's 
providences are in a great measure mysterious and 
inscrutable, yet when we trace the progress of em- 
pire, the rise and fall of dynasties, in bygone ages, we 
see that God carries the destiny of nations in the 
hollow of his hands, and that the powers, the prin- 
cipalities, and the kingdoms of the world must 
be God's loyal agencies for the promulgation of 
Christ's kingdom in order to merit divine favor and 
to accomplish their mission of sovereignty among 

The government of God as manifested among 
men through Jesus Christ should be the desire and 
the aim of all nations because Oidst is the I deal 
Sov^eign, in_the proper recognit ion of whose au- 
t hority lies the secret of perfect political organi - 

Sovereignty of God 19 

zation and the only s uccessful remedy for all the 
evils of social disorder. 

Only God, by his overruling Providence, can coun- 
teract successfully the Satanic powers of wickedness 
that militate against godliness; and he only can 
establish the ultimate triumph of Christianity in 
the world, as he has pledged himself to do by 
the irrevocable decrees and promises of his inspired 
Word. The Most High, who ruleth in the kingdom 
of men, will be true to his Word. Heaven and 
earth may pass away to be supplanted by a new 
creation, but God's Word shall never fail. The 
kingdom of Jesus in millennial glory is no mere 
poetic dream of imaginative pietism, but a com- 
ing reality just as certain and glorious as God 

Already we can see that the predominance of Chris- 
tian principles and the evidences of providential 
leadings in great events of our day and age are 
prophetic of the approaching Gospel kingdom of our 
coming Lord. In the modern deductions of science 
reflecting God's light on Bible truth, in the framing 
of laws aiming at equality and justice, in the progress 
of great national reforms pointing toward a political 
and moral betterment of men, in the great mis- 
sionary enterprises spreading Gospel truth in all lands 
and among all people, in the march of Christian 

20 God and Government 

civilization over the continents of both hemispheres 
and the isles of the seas, and in the general trend of 
human thought toward Christ's coming and reign 
we behold the dawn of the glorious Gospel era in 
which, according to divine promise, all nations shall 
acknowledge our Lord and Saviour as their rightful 
Ruler and Lawgiver. 

This happy knowledge of providential ruhngs in 
past and present-day events inspires the believing 
heart with hope and cheer, and makes the prospect 
for the coming ages of the endless future bright and 
inviting to all mankind. 

Bless God, to know that we are not in a world of 
mere chance without system, design, or certainty in 
the happening of events, nor in a world of godless 
nature without a governor to control and regulate the 
laws, tendencies, and forces of the universe, nor in a 
world of hopeless fatalism without a God to condemn, 
defy, and overrule the powers and the works of the 
Devil among men; but that we are in a world of 
divine providences, a world that has been redeemed 
from the curse of sin and death and hell by the 
highest price of heaven, a world in which God lives 
and loves and rules to reveal his kingdom and power 
and glory through Jesus Christ our Lord and 

Inspired history commemorates the dawn of the 

Sovereignty of God 21 

world's creation as a time "when the morning stars 
sang together and all the sons of God shouted for 
joy." Glorious concert of heavenly music when the 
world and humanity were born! Divine foreknowl- 
edge more than justified the work of creation. To 
God the whole future was as clear as a cloudless 
day. He foreknew great purposes and eternal des- 
tinies accomplished. The preconception of sin and 
Satan coming into the world was counteracted by 
the eternal plan of redemption through the atoning 
merits of the Son of God. In the mind of the Creator 
it was perfectly clear that divine sovereignty should 
never be overruled, and that the great purpose of 
creation should not be thwarted. God foresaw the 
great conflict of coming ages — the warfare between 
sin and righteousness — not only as related to human- 
ity on earth, but also as related to other beings in 
other worlds of his dominion. There was no doubt as 
to the final issue; and the certainty of victory over 
the " deceiver of the nations" by the glorious triumph 
of the coming Hero of the Cross, was from the begin- 
ning, is now, and ever shall be the occasion of joy and 
song both in heaven and on earth. 

To unregenerated humanity, however, the sover- 
eignty of God is yet largely a hidden mystery, and 
even in this enlightened age, bridging the nineteenth 
and twentieth centuries, "the fools," as in days of 

22 God and Government 

yore, "will say in their hearts, There is no God," and 
faint-hearted pessimists, overlooking the evidences of 
divine sovereignty and ignoring the plausibility of 
Christian faith, will, as in the dark days of Malachi, 
declare, "It is vain to serve God!" and will defyingly 
raise the question, "What profit is it that we keep 
his ordinance, and that we walk mournfully before 
the Lord of Hosts?" 

This pessimistic disposition of mind, born of infi- 
delit}^, Aveakness, and wickedness, incites men to be- 
lieve and proclaim a gospel of despair; to misconceive 
the world essentially and continually growing worse; 
to magnify the power of the Devil and to minify the 
omnipotence of the Saviour of the world by declaring 
Christianity a failure and by decrying humanity 
totally depraved and hopelessly irredeemable. Pes- 
simism, though characterized by the despondency 
and fatalism of the darkest ages of the world, is 
an antiquated and a cosmopolitan evil as old as the 
origin of sin, and has been as prevalent in all the 
centuries of the past as indeed have been the baleful 
influences of the counteracting forces that have 
always impeded the promulgation of the Gospel 
among the nations. 

As easily perceivable from the Acts of the Apostles, 
the Pauline letters, and the Church history of the 
past, human nature has been much the same in all 

Sovereignty of God 23 

ages; there have always been serious difficulties both 
in the Church and in the world confronting the 
progress of Christianity ; and cheerless prophets mis- 
taking local or individual tendencies for the gen- 
eral movement of humanity have always declared 
their own age the worst in all history. Consequently, 
as a recent editorial of the Sunday School Times 
very truly says : " In every age since the Gospel was 
first preached there has been complaint of the decay 
of Christianity. In every age men have declared 
that the inner substance of religion has vanished, 
leaving only an empty husk of profession. In every 
age the charities of the Gospel have been spoken 
of as about to take their flight from an unworthy 
world, and the nominally Christian people as no better 
than whitewashed heathen. The gulf between pro- 
fession and practice has been declared to have grown 
impassable, and the hope of growth into better 
things has been treated as a delusion." 

In modern times pessimism has been elaborated 
into a complete philosophy or theory by the systems 
of Schopenhauer and his successor, E. von Hartmann, 
besides being fostered and further proclaimed through 
the "sadness of science," as incorporated in the lit- 
erature of Haeckel and Froude.; yet in the light of 
truth as revealed in the divine Word, as seen in the 
evidences of Christianity, and as realized in the per- 

24 God and Government 

sonal religious experience of every true believer, it is 
or ought to be apparent to every intelligent person 
that pessimism is utterly incompatible with that 
joyous faith which overcomes the world and brightens 
the undying hope of the highest type of Christian 
manhood and womanhood. 

The apostles of pessimism and infidelity are 
certainly not representative minds of "the age of 
faith and Christian progress " in which we live. What 
are the names just cited, and indeed all others of a 
like character that might be mentioned, in compari- 
son with such noble minds as Browning, Tennyson, 
Whittier, and Lowell in the laurels of Christian poetry, 
or what are they in comparison with such immortal 
names as Professor Young, George J. Romanes, Sir 
William Crookes, Balfour Stewart, Asa Gray, Sir J. 
W. Dawson, Professor Tate, and Henry Drummond 
of scientific fame in Christian literature? These are 
men of faith whose lives and teachings were illum- 
inated by the Star of Bethlehem and whose names 
will live and grow with a cheerful and pleasing luster 
in the memory of mankind long after the murky 
shadow of poor benighted pessimists and infidels shall 
have vanished away under the light of Christian pro- 
gress in coming ages. 

But while there is no happiness for pessimism and 
no hope for infidelity, there is "light sown for the 

Sovereignty of God 25 

righteous, and gladness for the upright in heart." 
The espousers of Christianity are not the victims of a 
hopeless cause, neither are they the deluded advo- 
cates of a forlorn mission, nor are they the forsaken 
followers of a departed Lord for whose return they 
must wait for ages before he shall reappear. The 
fact is. King Jesus is already here, fulfilling his prom- 
ise : " Lo, I am with you alway , even unto the end of 
the world." Although the Kingship of Jesus has not 
yet been fully established in the world, and although 
his very name is prophetic of things yet to come, 
nevertheless he is to-day already the greatest power 
among the nations, leading his mighty hosts onward 
to glorious victory. He is the great white-horsed 
Hero of the ages, whose power is invincible, whose 
cause defies defeat, and whose already accomplished 
victories are prophecies of the assured and final su- 
premacy of Christianity in all the world. 

Our kingly Christ thus in evidence as an operative 
and a triumphant power for righteousness gloriously 
exemplifies the inspired declaration, " The Lord reign- 
eth; let the earth rejoice; let the multitude of isles 
be glad thereof." With godly confidence in the fu- 
ture, we may believe that the miracles of the twen- 
tieth century will be the miracles of Christian 
missions spreading the Gospel among all people in 
all lands. The Lord our King gave the command. 

26 God and Government 

"Go, teach all nations!" and he taught us to pray, 
" Thy kingdom come ! ' ' Surely he that doeth wonders, 
and whose mercy endure th forever, will reward the 
faithful obedience and fervent prayer of his Church 
with the benedictions of future Gospel victories in all 
the world, and in the fullness of the time in which we 
live we may congratulate ourselves on the happy 
outlook for coming Gospel triumphs. " The evangel- 
ization of the world," says Dr. Claudius B. Spencer, 
"ought to be quite easy in this age. The whole 
Roman empire heard the story of salvation in a few 
generations at most. And now consider: Europe is 
knit to America by electricity and steam, the whole 
world are our immediate neighbors; Bombay was 
sixty days by mail from London only a few years ago, 
to-day it is but about eighteen; in 1859 it took 
Bishop Thoburn four months to go from Massachus- 
etts to Calcutta, now it needs less than thirty days. 
There are 170,000 miles of submarine cables. There 
are 6,000,000 cable messages every year. Are we 
not neighbors? Are we not called to be a good Sa- 
maritan to our neighbors? Are we not summoned 
to arise and preach the Gospel to every creature? 
It can be done. And opportunity is only another 
spelling of responsibility! What can be done for 
the kingdom should be done to-day. For to-day is 
the day of salvation — even to all the world." 

Sovereignty of God 27 

Of course, abundance of material resources and 
speedy means of communication, though advanta- 
geous for successful evangeUsm, must not mislead 
us to presuppose easy triumph for Christianity by 
the mere genius and power of human agency; for 
" not by might, nor by power, but by my Spirit, saith 
the Lord of hosts." Despite all the splendid advan- 
tages and golden opportunities of modern evangelism, 
old-time earnestness and united Christian endeavor 
appUed in the whole armor of the Lord and in the 
fullness of his Spirit will still be in demand for the 
advancement of Christ's kingdom. The struggle of 
Christianity for supremacy, though in fulfillment 
of divine promise to be more successful than here- 
tofore, will in the future, as in the past, continue to 
be a great fight against the anti-Christian forces of 
the world, which, according to Christ's prophecy 
concerning the last days preceding his final coming, 
will doubtless grow in magnitude and vehemence 
with the spread of the Gospel among the nations. 
Already we can see the combative anti-Christian 
forces of apostasy, of infidelity, of paganism and 
Mohammedanism gathered and marshaled in defiance 
of Christian progress. But greater than all the anti- 
Christian powers of the PrincQ of Darkness will be 
the Spirit's might of the Hero from the tribe of 
Judah of whom Providence has decreed that "his 

28 God and Government 

scepter shall not depart from him/' that "to him the 
people shall be gathered," and that "the government 
shall be upon his shoulder: and his name shall be called 
Wonderful, Counselor, the Mighty God, the Everlast- 
ing Father, the Prince of Peace. Of the increase of 
whose government and peace there shall be no 

This doctrine of divine and invincible sovereignty 
in the kingdoms of men was the citadel of patriotic 
hope, the bulwark against national degeneracy, and the 
strong motive power in all successful governments of 
the past; and in the Christian civilization of to-day, 
not only in the monarchies of Europe, where the peo- 
ple believe in "the divine right of kings" and main- 
tain established State Churches, but also in the Re- 
publics of America, where we adhere to a pure and 
reciprocal independence between Church and State, 
and where we have government of the people, by the 
people, and for the people, faith in providential su- 
premacy controlling and shaping national destiny is 
a fundamental power for political stability and pro- 
gressive government. 

However, while we, as a great Christian Republic 
adhere to our faith in divine supremacy, we must 
nevertheless recognize the fact that God rules not by 
force or fate, but by the power of sovereign grace and 
moral suasion over freewill agents, who can and must 

Sovereignty of God 29 

do their will and reap the consequences of reward or 
punishment according to the inevitable retributions 
of eternal justice; and that to redeemed men and 
women as God's coworkers is intrusted the important 
work of making the kingdoms of the world "the 
kingdoms of our God and his Christ." 

Our national destiny must and will therefore be 
determined not by fate, coincidence, or chance, in the 
happenings of events, but by our own freewill atti- 
tude of loyalty or disobedience to God in Christ, 
"who ruleth in the kingdoms of men." In the 
criterion of Christian righteousness is centered our 
only hope of national prosperity and happiness. 
Therefore, our sons and daughters of liberty must 
recognize divine supremacy both in personal and 
national life. Apprehending that nations, as well 
as churches and individuals, have a responsibility 
and a mission in the future triumphs of Christianity, 
and that under prevailing conditions the United States 
of America doubtless occupies a pivotal position in 
the great and final conflict for the establishment of 
Christ's kingdom among all nations, our Republic 
should seek to be an ideal Christian nation by rec- 
ognizing the importance and the preeminence of 
Gospel precepts and principles in public affairs and 
in national life. Indeed, inasmuch as it is evident 
that all of King Immanuel's providential dispen- 

30 God and Government 

sations are in harmony with human happiness and 
well-being, all nations should acknowledge his sov- 
ereignty and endeavor to be accounted worthy in 
the Lord's great day to join God's mighty host in 
the great thundering chorus of eternity, "Hallelujah, 
the Lord God omnipotent reigneth!" 



Thou, too, sail on, O Ship of Statel 
Sail on, O Union, strong and great! 
Humanity, with all its fears, 
With all the hop>e of future years, 
Is hanging breathless on thy fate! 
We know what Master laid thy keel, 
What workman wrought thy ribs of steel, 
Who made each mast and sail and rope, 
What anvils rang, what hammers beat, 
In what a forge and what a heat 
Were shaped the anchors of thy hope! 

Fear not each sudden sound and shock, 

'Tis but the wave and not the rock; 

'Tis but the flapping of the sail. 

And not a rent made by the gale! 

In spite of rock and tempest roar, 

In spite of false lights on the shore, 

Sail on, nor fear to breast the sea! 

Our hearts, our hopes, are all with thee, 

Our hearts, our hopes, our prayers, our tears, 

Our faith triumphant o'er our fears, 

Are all with thee — are all with thee! 

— Longfellow. 



"The powers that be are ordained of God." — Rom. 13. 1. 

SHOULD our federal Constitution be amended by 
inserting a section recognizing Jesus Christ as 
the Ruler of Nations, and declaring his revealed will 
as the supreme authority in civil affairs? This is 
a question of earnest debate in many minds. 

The Reformed Presbyterian Church and other 
influential religious bodies contend that we cannot 
be a Christian nation without a distinct recognition 
of divine rulership in our national Constitution. 

The Covenanter Church in the United States 
even requires, as a condition of membership, the 
acceptance of the position known as that of polit- 
ical dissent. This signifies that her members shall 
not accept any civil office or trust in which there is 
required an oath of allegiance to the present Consti- 
tution of the United States, nor vote for any officer 
who is required to take such an oath. This posi- 
tion is said to be maintained "in no spirit of unpa- 
triotic disloyalty to our country, but in the spirit of 
patriotic loyalty to our Lord." 
3 33 

84 God and Government 

This proposed Constitutional Amendment has been 
urged for many years, and at one time a resolution 
proposing such an amendment was introduced in both 
houses of Congress, but no decisive action has ever 
been taken in the matter, nor is there any immediate 
promise of such a resolution being passed. The 
defeat of the measure, however, is not to be ascribed 
to the bitter opposition made by the American Sec- 
ular Union and Free Thought Confederation or other 
infidels, but must be attributed to the fact that it is 
largely and clearly apparent that such a formal rec- 
ognition of Christ in the Constitution is not essen- 
tially necessary to make us a Christian nation. 

While it is certainly true that a literal recognition 
of Christ as the head of the nation and a formal 
declaration of his Gospel as the fundamental teach- 
ing on which all legislation should be based would 
not be out of place and could do no harm, and while 
the advocates of this so-called " God-in-the-Constitu- 
tion" movement are undoubtedly men and women of 
pure motives and well-meant endeavors, yet it must 
be conceded that such a mere form of words alone 
would have little or no significance or influence in 
Christianizing our people. 

Outward forms do not constitute a Christian nation. 
While it is obvious that we might acknowledge divine 
rulership in our federal Constitution and still be 

Divinity in Government 35 

essentially a pagan nation, it is also apparent that, 
all things else being favorable, we can he and are 
really a Christian nation, even without such a formal 
acknowledgment. Not by legislation or formal dec- 
larations, but alone by evangelization and the incul- 
cation of spiritual life and Gospel principles, can our 
nation be truly Christianized. 

But regardless of such a verbiage of our national 
code the doctrine of the divine origin and authority of 
the State cannot be denied and must, by all means, 
be maintained. Plutarch has well said: "There has 
never been a State of atheists. You may travel over 
the world; you may find cities without walls, with- 
out a king, without a mint, without theaters or gym- 
nasiums; but you will never find a city without a 
god, without prayer, without oracles, without sacri- 
fice. Sooner may a city stand without foundations 
than a State without belief in the gods. This is the 
bond of all society, the pillar of all legislation." 

Thus a significant religious impulse recognizing a 
higher power in all law and authority w^onderfuUy 
prevades all mankind. The State atheist in Chris- 
tendom is therefore an exception and not the rule of 
opinion in human society. 

Indeed, the secular idea of the State maintaining 
that men originally existed in a state of individual 
isolation; that without divine direction, and as a 

36 God and Government 

mere matter of convenience and greater security, 
they grouped themselves together into societies; 
that the authority of civil government, as the result 
of such association, is derived solely from the consent 
of the governed; and that therefore the State, as a 
mere human invention and secular institution, has 
nothing to do with God, and has no other purpose 
than the mere temporal advantage and security of 
man — this idea is erroneous and lacks the support 
of history, reason, or revelation. 

The clearest and strongest minds, from Plato to 
Paul and from Paul to the sages of the present day, 
have believed and declared that God is the author 
and source of all law and authority. 

Confirming this unanimity of opinion, we have 
the inspired declaration, "There is no power but of 
God; the powers that be are ordained of God." 

Therefore, in all government, whether the forms 
of administration be autocratic, monarchical, or 
democratic, we should recognize the authority of the 
one great Unseen Lawgiver " by whom kings rule and 
princes decree justice." There are differences of 
administration, but the same spirit. 

National constitutions may differ, administrations 
may change, some governments may be corrupt, and 
unrighteous rulers may abuse authority, yet all this 
cannot and does not annul the reality of divinity in 

Divinity in Government 37 

government. God has not ordained the corruption 
of governments, he has not authorized the mal- 
administration of evil rulers, nor is he responsible for 
all the differences, imperfections, and abuses of civil 
institutions, yet all power and authority of the State 
originates in the Divine Ruler and is therefore just 
as sacred as any other divine ordinance under the 
sun. "Thou," said Christ to Pilate, "couldest have 
no power at all against me, except it were given thee 
from above." 

Christianity recognizes divinity in human govern- 
ment, and encourages submission and loyalty to 
properly constituted authority. Even under Roman 
government, Jesus, the Son of God, although to him 
was given all power in heaven and on earth, set an 
example of loyalty to the State and enjoined obedi- 
ence to magistrates. Says one: "Never did a sov- 
ereign prince pervert justice as Nero did, and yet Paul 
appealed to him, and under him had the protection 
of the law and the inferior magistrates more than 
once. Better bad government than none at all." 

Government is a human necessity, as well as a 
divine institution. Without the sovereignty of law, 
disorder and anarchy would prevail among men, and 
hell would reign supreme on earth. " Order is the 
first law of heaven," and government is God's pro- 
vision of order and well-being for humanity. 

38 God and Government 

God's beneficence, as well as his sovereignty, are 
revealed in "the powers that be;" and while the rul- 
ings and the bounties of the divine hand may be seen 
in all human history, there are certain unmistakable 
evidences of God's special husbandry and paternal 
care for our people in the origin and progress of 
our beloved "land of the free and home of the 

In the great historical epochs leading to the estab- 
lishment of our precious and blood-bought liberty, 
in the fortunate geographical position of our land 
and the vastness of our territorial domain; in the 
magnitude of our agricultural and mineral resources 
and commercial commodities; in the great achieve- 
ments of industry, invention, and commerce; in the 
wonderful progress of science, art, and literature; 
in the wholesome influence of religion, morality, and 
education; in the growth of our population; in the 
expansion of our sovereignty; and in the general 
progress and prosperity of our great Republic we 
may clearly and gratefully perceive the gracious and 
all-wise providence and sovereignty of our Divine 
Ruler and Benefactor. 

Due recognition of divinity in government should 
therefore be constantly, practically, and gratefully 
manifested on the part of the State in all work of 
legislation, education, and political reform, and on the 

Divinity in Government 39 

part of every individual citizen in his patriotic 
devotion and loyalty to his country and its 

The appreciation of divine sovereignty in civil gov- 
ernment should inspire both ruler and ruled with 
respect and even reverence for law and authority. 

Alas, that by partisan prejudice, political cor- 
ruption, and abuse of free speech, during political 
campaigns, degrading influences too frequently prevail 
that diminish the respect of the people for the officials 
and the authorities of the State. The Highest 
declares, "Thou shalt not speak evil of the ruler of 
thy people!" While the ruler of a nation is not 
above criticism in the administration of authority 
and power, yet he should never be exposed to mis- 
representation, slander, or ridicule on partisan 
grounds. The Christian ruler, whether elected to 
office by the suffrage of his people or placed in author- 
ity by royal inheritance, is, by virtue of his position — 
even regardless of his personality or political cast — 
entitled to the respect of his people. 

State officers should recognize the sacredness of 
power, and exercise authority not in their own per- 
sonal interest nor in the interest of any political 
party, but according to the will of God and for the 
good of the people, ever mindful of their responsi- 
bility to the great King of kings, from whom they 

40 God and Government 

will eventually receive a just return of reward or 
punishment for their administration. 

Christian citizens should vote as they pray, and 
"in all their ways acknowledge God," remejn})oring 
that true religion is not limited to mere forms or 
acts of worship, but extends over our whole life, even 
to our civil and political duties and interests. 

Divine authority in civil power implies Christian 
obligation of obedience to the laws of the State. 
"Let every soul be subject unto the higher power." 
This injunction applies to every individual citizen 
without exception or respect to person. The majesty 
of the law must be recognized even without regard 
to personal preference or opinion, or if need be, even 
without respect of character in those who administer 
the affairs of State. The authority of law is not to 
be based upon our own ideas of propriety, nor upon 
our opinion of the character (jjf our lawmakers or 
executives, but upon the sovereignty of God, who is 
the author and source of all true law. Only when 
the laws of the State violate the laws of God or stand 
in conflict with our Federal Constitution is disobedi- 
ence or ignorement of the law justifiable on the part 
of a citizen. 

Divinity in government also commands financial 
support for the benefit of the State. " For this cause 
pay ye tribute also, for they are God's ministers 

Divinity in Government 41 

attending continually upon this very thing." Rev- 
enue is a necessity for defraying the expenses of 
government, and all who enjoy the benefits of civil 
authority should cheerfully contribute their part for 
the support of the State. 

Yet it is remarkable indeed with what reluctance 
some people pay their taxes. Persons and corpo- 
rations who would consider it beneath their dignity 
to be otherwise dishonest resort to all manner of 
base and fraudulent methods — even to falsehood and 
perjury — to swindle the government out of her rev- 
enue. Such dishonesty is a crime against God, as 
well as men, and deserves the contempt of all good 
citizens, besides prompt and unsparing condemna- 
tion to the severe penalties of the law. 

God's authority apprehended in the behests of civil 
government justifies and commands patriotic defense 
of country against foreign and internal foes. Our 
forefathers bore arms in defense of home and native 
land, and fought and prayed to win our heritage of 
freedom. Our fathers braved the bloody conflicts 
of the great rebellion to save the Union and to free 
America from the curse of human slavery. Our 
brothers responded to the Spanish-American war 
cry to reclaim an oppressed people from the ban of 
a despotic sovereignty and to drive an oppressive 
foreign power from its footholds on the western 

42 God and Government 

hemisphere. In like manner true and loyal Ameri- 
cans will henceforth be the gallant defenders of their 
country, and this, not only by force of arms against 
foreign enemies, but also by the power of moral 
agencies against atheism, bacchanalianism, Mormon- 
ism, anarchism, plutocracy, social vices, political cor- 
ruption, and indeed against every other internal 
foe that threatens ruin to our national welfare. 

Great interests are at stake in this moral warfare, 
but our resources of armaments are abundant, our 
powers of defense, supplemented and sustained by 
the help of God, are more than equal to all oppos- 
ing forces, and the hope of victory in behalf of 
Christian civilization in America is fully justified. 

While the fear of punishment and the hope of 
reward are powerful incentives in all warfare, yet no 
selfish motive, but the fear of God in the presence of 
divine authority and moral obligation in civil affairs, 
should be the popular inspiration to obedience and 
loyalty toward "the powers that be" in munici- 
pality, county, State, or nation. As our vision of 
God in government grows and brightens in the 
hearts and minds of our people, ideal citizenship 
loyal to Gospel principles and patriotic in national 
duty will be the true ambition of the typical 



God of the Free! upon thy breath 

Our flag is for the right unrolled, 
As broad and brave as when its stars 

First lit the hallowed time of old. 

For Duty still its folds shall fly; 

For Honor still its glories burn, 
Where Truth, Religion, Valor, guard 

The patriot's sword and martyr's urn. 

No tyrant's impious step is ours; 

No lust of power or nations rolled; 
Our Flag, for friends, a starry sky, 

For traitors, storm in every fold. 

O thus we'll keep our Nation's life, 
Nor fear the bolt by despots hurled; 

The blood of all the world is here. 

And they who strike us strike the world! 

God of the Free! our Nation bless. 
In its strong manhood as its birth; 

And make its life a star of hope. 
For all the struggling of the Earth. 

Then shout besides thine oak, O North! 

O South! wave answer with thy palm; 
And in our Union's heritage 

Together sing the Nation's Psalm! 

—W. R. Wallace. 


" Blessed is the nation whose God is the Lord." — Psa. 33. 12. 

^'T ONG live the Republic!" This patriotic 
i— / motto, though of French origin, nevertheless 
expresses alike the hope and prayer of the American 
people. As the believing soul of the Christian indi- 
vidual yearns for individual immortality, so the 
patriotic heart of a great people longs for national 
longevity and prosperity in all coming time. 

This noble hope of endurance and well-being is 
divinely inwrought for the maintenance of life and 
the pursuit of utility and happiness on the part of 
the individual and the nation. 

God, the great dispenser of all national blessings, 
has bountifully and wonderfully endowed our great 
Republic with magnificent safeguards of national 
greatness and endurance; and there are those who 
maintain that in the situation, size, boundaries, and 
resources of our nation, together with our racial 
characteristics and the divine purpose manifest in our 
history, we find ample grounds for the hope of the 
future endurance and prosperity of the United States 
of America. 


46 God and Government 

Yet, after all, the question, "Shall the American 
Republic endure?" is indeed a serious and an open 
question. God forbid that by an overestimation of 
our national greatness we should lapse into carnal 
security, or that by an abuse of the advantages en- 
joyed we should effeminate our powers and otherwise 
invite or hasten our downfall and ruin. 

The voice of history resounds with echoes of warn- 
ing from the ruins of fallen nations. In the annals 
of the world we read of empires, kingdoms, and repub- 
lics born, of great powers that arose, grew strong and 
flourished for a time, and then succumbed to the rav- 
ages of sin, decay, and death. 

The great nations of antiquity, that knew not God, 
have all responded to the death knell of helpless fate, 
and one by one have gone down into the awful depths 
of degradation and eternal ruin. Their idols and their 
temples, their altars and their priesthoods, their laws 
and their rulers, their treasures and their glory, have 
all passed away, and for all time their ruins are mon- 
uments of warning to the awful truth that ''the nation 
or kingdom that will not serve God shall perish." 

Not only the dead nations of the past, however, 
but even the yet living ungodly nations of the pres- 
ent day, are standing evidences of the fact that while 
" righteousness exalte th a nation, sin is a reproach to 
any people." Powers that once waxed strong and 

National Safeguards 47 

flourished in the vigor of national glory have by reject- 
ing God and his Word lost their national prestige; 
and to-day, as a result of their ungodliness and 
heedless disloyalty, perpetual discontent, restlessness, 
misrule, violence, degradation, brutality, and crime, 
within their own borders, are relentlessly threatening 
them with revolution, downfall, and destruction. 

But while we hear the death knell of other nations 
that have perished in bygone ages, and while we 
heed the warning evidences of decay in the dying 
ungodly nations of to-day, let us not be unmindful 
of our own national defects and dangers. 

Though apparently not immediately endangered by 
any outward or foreign foe, let us remember that our 
foreign relations are not always within our own con- 
trol, but are, in a great measure, influenced by other 
powers with whom unforeseen complications may 
arise at any time. Above all, let us remember that 
possibly our greatest danger lies within, that even in 
the very bosom of our great Republic there may be 
engendered the demons of our national destruction. 

It may be clearly seen that the future of Ameri- 
can society is already threatened with many ominous 
signs of our times. High surge the tides of infidelity 
and wickedness, and almost on every side we see 
moral corruption eating its way into the political, 
commercial, and social life of the nation. We see 

48 God and Government 

honesty outraged by fraud, truth supplanted by false- 
hood, law overruled by disorder, and the welfare of 
the Republic endangered by a host of evils, such as 
bribery, political intrigue. Sabbath desecration, social 
vice, the liquor traffic; the decline of the family 
institution, the loss of individual virtue, and the 
estrangement of the masses from the Church of 

In the presence of such gigantic evils and national 
perils it is evident that the common grounds of con- 
fidence are inadequate to warrant the safety and 
prosperity of the nation. Large scope of territory, 
great numbers in population, wealth of material re- 
sources, military equipments, great naval forces, 
political wisdom, commanding diplomacy, and free 
institutions for the promotion of education and be- 
nevolence — all these and more, though they are im- 
portant factors of national greatness, security, and 
power, are, nevertheless, in themselves alone, in- 
sufficient requisites for the abiding preservation of 
our government. 

The record of antiquity demonstrates that though 
a nation may be great and strong from a purely 
worldly standpoint, yet if she be lacking in godliness 
and national virtue she will be unable to shield her- 
self against the ravages of national decay, and in the 
judgments of the Almighty she will eventually be 

National Safeguards 49 

"dashed in pieces as a potter's vessel." The great 
walls of Babylon, the treasures of Egypt, the might 
of Alexander, the intellect and culture of Greece, 
the pomp and power of Rome, were all of no de- 
fense against the retribution which God administers 
over nations according to their deeds. 

For all nations and for all time there is but one 
hope of redemption from the thraldom of sin, but 
one hope of preservation against the perils of in- 
iquity, but one hope of future progress and pros- 
perity, and this one supreme hope is anchored solely 
and inseparably in the immutable safeguards of 

Through Christ and his Gospel, the one and only 
safe moral order and unfailing salutary power of 
individual and national security and prosperity has 
been born into the world. The social significance of 
the Gospel is therefore supremely important, hopeful, 
and commanding. While purely material grounds 
are no guarantee for national stability, and while all 
atheistic efforts at civilization are hopeless, yet the 
marked superiority of Christian nations over pagan 
lands clearly demonstrates that Christianity is Heav- 
en's greatest boon to humanity, and that the Gospel 
is a power of God unto salvation, a power to elevate, 
purify, and bless mankind. 

The Gospel as a moral uplifting power is a national 

50 God and Government 

safeguard against the wrongs and penalties of un- 
righteousness and wickedness. Sin was doubtless 
never a greater and a more dangerous power in society 
than to-day. The Devil, as the great " deceiver of the 
nations/' has scattered broadcast, over the heart-soil 
of the people in all lands, the deadly seeds of skepti- 
cism, anarchism, desperation, and wickedness, until a 
powerful and dangerous upas of Satanic socialism has 
been engendered, that, at times, through the apostles 
of dynamite, threatens the thrones of Europe and 
startles the American people from their idle dream 
of safety and security. 

Bad men have learned to appropriate God's powers 
in science, art, and nature to diabolic uses, until their 
capacity for havoc in society is indeed appalling. 
By the destructive capacity of dangerous explosives 
and infernal machines, palaces, factories, public 
buildings, and the avenues of commerce are at the 
mercy of desperate men in the ranks of anarchy and 

Gloating over such powers of havoc, the Chicago 
socialists, in a pubhc meeting boasted: "It is now 
certain that men of nerve can go into large congrega- 
tions in broad daylight and explode their bombs with 
safety;" "a little hog's grease and nitric acid make a 
terrible explosive ; ten cents' worth will blow a build- 
ing to atoms. Dynamite can be made of dead bodies 

National Safeguards 51 

of capitalists as well as of hogs ; and private property 
must be abolished if we have to use all the dyna- 
mite there is, and blow ninety-nine hundredths of the 
people off the earth." 

Such a diabolic spirit in the hearts of mad and 
reckless men armed with gigantic powers for ruin 
bodes awful danger for society; and the world's great 
need of to-day is a mighty, invincible, and subduing 
heart force, strong enough, as a moral purgative, to 
take the spirit of the Devil, root and branch, out of 
man's evil nature and restore him to right relations 
toward his God and his fellow-men. 

Bless God for such a redeeming and saving power 
in Christ Jesus our Lord, who came into this world to 
destroy the works of the Devil and to glorify the 
name of God through the salvation of immortal 
souls: How beautifully the Saviour's mission is being 
accomplished among men! His Gospel lifts up hu- 
manity out of the gutter, washes away the defile- 
ments of transgressions, regenerates man's evil nature, 
liberates the soul from the bondage of sin, and sheds 
abroad in human hearts the Spirit of God — that 
Holy Spirit which guides believers in all truth, 
inspires them with love to their Lord and their fellow- 
men, and empowers them to know and to do the will 
of God in every discharge of duty. 

Eulogizing these salutary powers of the Saviour's 

52 God and Government 

Gospel in their national significance, Dr. Thompson 
appropriately says : " An earthly immortality has been 
bestowed on Christian nations; they can only die by 
willful suicide. Even their sins can be retrieved by 
turning back to righteousness ; and out of their worst 
winter can come forth a new springtime of hope, a 
new harvest of righteousness." 

The Gospel, as the great enlightening power of the 
world, is a national safeguard against the dangers of 
illiteracy and ignorance. " Knowledge is power," as 
Bacon has well said; but ignorance is also a power 
in the world — a power to degrade, to tear down, to 
retard progress, to breed evil, and to do harm — a 
dangerous power indeed. 

In a government like ours ignorance is fraught with 
special dangers to the safety and welfare of the 
nation, because it empowers bad, designing men to 
mislead voters and to impose fraud and political 
intrigue upon the public. Our only safeguard against 
such dangers is Christian intelligence. 

"We must educate! We must educate!" said an 
American patriot sixty years ago, " or we must perish 
by our own prosperity." Our country has not been 
heedless of this warning given, and though she is far 
short of her true ideal in the great work of education, 
yet, through her great public school system and 
numerous State normals and universities, splendid 

National Safeguards 53 

results in the diffusion of knowledge among our peo- 
ple have been achieved. Despite the steady influx of 
foreign immigration and ignorance, our per cent of 
illiteracy has been steadily lowering and our standard 
of education has been continually rising. 

Much of the zeal manifested in our educational 
work and a great deal of the success thereby 
achieved must, however, be ascribed to Christian 
sentiment and Gospel influences. Heeding the divine 
command, "Go, teach all nations," Christianity has 
not only awakened and fostered a general interest in 
common secular education, but has founded and 
maintained Christian schools, colleges, and universities 
in all our States and Territories, has established public 
libraries for the common good of society, and is to-day, 
through Christian teachers and through press and 
pulpit, the great leading educative power of the 

The Gospel is a national safeguard against the 
danger of political lethargy and retrogression. Chris- 
tian civilization has always been characterized by 
rapid and continued progress, while the Christless 
nations of the world have, as a rule, always been 
essentially corrupt and nonprogressive; and this has 
been one of, the leading causes of failure in the history 
of pagan nations. Political torpor and inactivity 
breed corruption, and a monotonous fixity in things 

54 God and Government 

obsolete and antiquated impede advancement and 
lead to retrogression and decay. 

Nations, as well as individuals, are subject to the 
divine law of growth, progress, and development, and 
this explains why the history of prosperous nations 
has always been characterized by great revolutions 
and reformations. Our political blessings and national 
institutions are not to lie dormant under the mere 
pretense of preservation, but to be applied and used 
for the progress of our conmionwealth. We dare not 
stop and be satisfied with past achievements or 
present attainments, but, with " Excelsior '^ as 
our motto, we must press steadily forward in pur- 
suit of the highest ideal of progress in Christian 

Conceding that our progress in the past has not been 
all that might have been desired, yet it is gratifying 
to know that the same Christian spirit which actuated 
our Pilgrim Fathers in their immigration to our shores 
in 1620, and which has, through continued Gospel 
influences among our people, been the leading source 
of progressive sentiment and actual growth in our 
civilization, is still with us as the mighty incentive 
to present advancement and as the guarantee of com- 
ing social and political victories. As a pagan nation 
we could not have prospered as we have, but the 
Lord our God has been our shield, our refuge, and 

National Safeguards 55 

our support, and upon him, and him only, shall be 
stayed our hope of national vitality, and strength 
for the duties and responsibilities of coming 

Christianity is a safeguard against national imbe- 
cility, and is the leaven of prosperity and happiness 
in civilization because it proclaims a Gospel of glad 
tidings and good cheer to humanity. God, revealed 
in Christ, is gladness personified to create happiness 
in human hearts. Man's vision, illuminated and 
intensified by Gospel intelligence, perceives heavenly 
benedictions in all things and everywhere, express- 
ing God's eternal desire to dispel the gloom and des- 
pondency of sin and to thrill with undying gladness 
the immortal souls of men. Where Christian piety 
prevails the evils that wound the heart and breed 
despair are sought out and found to be removed. 
Even the disasters and sorrows of Christian lands 
are stepping-stones of their betterment, and the very 
difficulties defying progress engender stronger deter- 
mination to advance. 

Thus the Gospel has been, and is to-day, a boon 
to our civilization, having enabled us to make noble 
advancements in both Church and State. That our 
work in the noble cause of civil and religious liberty 
is not all done, and that our opportunities for still 
greater triumphs, even in the face of opposition^ are 

56 God and Government 

continually enlarging our great responsibilities, is not 
by any means a matter of regret but rather of con- 
gratulation, and should cheer us onward in the paths 
of duty, trusting the sustaining guidance of King 
Immanuel, who ruleth in our national destiny, and 
who will surely lead us onward and upward to even 
greater and nobler victories yet to be achieved. 



God bless our native land! 
Firm may she ever stand, 

Through storm and night: 
When the wild tempests rave, 
Ruler of wind and wave, 
Do thou our country save 

By thy great might! 

For her our prayer shall rise 
To God, above the skies; 

On him we wait: 
Thou who art ever nigh, 
Guarding with watchful eye, 
To thee alone we cry, 

God save the State! 

— Charles T. Brooks, alt. 


" All things are yours."— 1 Cor. 3. 21. 

'*DEHOLD, I make all things new!'' This 
1—) promissory declaration of our Lord inspires 
the Christian heart with hope and cheer. Though 
the earth is a storehouse of divine munificence, 
and the wonders of creation "declare the glory of 
God and show forth his handiwork/' yet it is true 
that sin is a ruinous power among men, and that 
there is much in the world that is not good or desir- 
able — much, indeed, that calls for regeneration and 

If the world is tending to perfection, as some opti- 
mistic reformers would surmise, it is, to say the least, 
perfection yet unattained. Man's individual nature 
is depraved, and reveals human frailties in the in- 
numerable disorders and wrongs of society. From 
the hour that sin came into the world, individual 
and social reform has been an abiding necessity 
among all people in all ages. 

But, by the grace of God, Christianity, as the 
great transforming power of the world, meets the 


60 God and Government 

necessities and requirements of human amelioration; 
and, during the nineteen centuries that have elapsed 
since the angels sang their carol at the Saviour's 
birth, many and great reforms have been accom- 
plished through the noble triumphs of the Gospel. 
Human slavery has been abolished; the cruelties of 
the coliseum and ampitheater have been abandoned ; 
war between nations has been rendered more humane 
and merciful; womanhood has been honored and re- 
stored to greater prominence in society; childhood 
has been shielded with the embrace of tenderness and 
care; the sanctity of marriage has been recognized 
and confirmed; the privileges of education and the 
rights of liberty have been extended; charities for 
the afflicted, the poor, and the fallen have been estab- 
lished; the advantages of civilization have been ex- 
panded; and the salvation of the Gospel has been 
proclaimed to all nations. 

In all these measures of social progress, and in fact 
in all true reforms, Christ always has been, and ever 
will be, the ruling spirit. His spirit is the spirit of 
progress, and his Gospel laws of human betterment 
are fundamental. 

Both by precept and by example Christ has dem- 
onstrated that men are not reformed en masse, but 
one by one. Modern socialism, w^iich ignores the 
importance of the individual man as distinct from 

Resources of Reform 61 

collective bodies and corporations, and seeks to con- 
struct a perfect society out of strikingly imperfect 
individuals, is woefully mistaken both in theory and 
practice. As Herbert Spencer truly says, "There is 
no political alchemy by which you can get golden 
conduct out of leaden instinct." The Gospel appeals 
to both the personal and the social nature of man. 
It reaches and changes first the individual, and 
through him it transforms and elevates the collective 
life of society. 

Nor are Gospel reformations accomplished by the 
powers of law, but by the powers of the Divine Spirit 
in the hearts and minds of men. The good old-time 
method of social reformation by way of pereonal 
repentance from sin and regeneration of the indi- 
vidual man appears too prosy and tedious to the 
average social reformers of the present day, and in 
their mistaken conception of social reconstruction 
they would resort to shorter cuts to universal reform 
by means of legislation. But experience proves that 
law alone can never be successfully applied a^ a 
moral panacea for the ills of society, and that the 
millennium can never be brought about by legis- 
lative enactments. The fact is that the prolific source 
of all the evils that afflict humanity, socially or 
otherwise, is sin in the human heart ; and the cleans- 
ing of this fountain of bitter streams can never be 

62 God and Government 

accomplished by human agencies alone. Christ, by 
the powers of his saving grace, must come to our 
rescue, or all our reformatory labors will be in vain. 
His blood must be applied, by faith, in atonement for 
sin, and his Spirit must be received by the reestab- 
lishment of a new divine life in the souls of men. 
Then, and only then, will men stand in right rela- 
tions to each other and their God, and society, as a 
whole, be truly reformed. 

That time is always necessary for the accomplish- 
ment of great social reforms is another fact that 
must not be overlooked. Even though Gospel 
methods be pursued and divine aid be implored, all 
reformatory labors must be rendered with untiring 
patience and with willingness to wait — long if need 
be — for successful results. If God could wait four 
thousand years to find the world ready for the advent 
of his Son, and if the Son, though the Prince of all 
reformers, could wait thirty years in preparatory 
seclusion before entering upon his ministerial and 
Messianic labors for the accomplishment of the refor- 
mation of humanity, then surely we, as his subordi- 
nate coworkers, can afford to labor and wait for 
the reformatory triumph of his Gospel. Impatience 
and overhaste, even in a good cause, may, by rash 
and imprudent endeavor, precipitate failure and 

Resources of Reform 63 

The Lord has bountifully provided us with ample 
means for all labors of reform, both at home and 
abroad. Great indeed is our debt of gratitude to 
God, not only for our material wealth, but especially 
for the abundance of the Christian resources of our 
country. These, as Dr. J. M. King has well said, " in- 
clude all there is of Christ and the Bible, in our history, 
government, laws, institutions, homes, and hearts." 

Though to enumerate our wealth of Christian 
resources specifically and exhaustively would indeed 
be a task too great to be attempted in the narrow 
compass of space that can here be allotted thereto, 
yet it may be well to cast a passing glance at the 
"bow of promise'^ set before us in order that we may 
be reminded, in a measure at least, of just what 
resources God has given us as a Christian people for 
labor in his service. 

Our Religious Forces 

While the numerical growth of evangelical Chris- 
tendom in the United States, at a rate approxima- 
ting an increase of a million souls in Church mem- 
bership annually, is encouraging, yet the general 
progress of a distinct Christian sentiment, and the 
growing power and influence of the Gospel as a great 
reformatory and uplifting force among our people, is 
of still greater significance. 

64 God and Government 

The social importance and applicability of the 
Gospel is becoming more and more apparent; and 
while the Gospel message from our Christian pulpits 
appeals primarily and directly to the individual souls 
within the pale of the Churches, it also reaches 
beyond the immediate circles of the congregations, 
and molds public opinion and sentiment among the 
masses. This spirit of Christian socialism which 
seeks to evangelize men not only from an individual 
standpoint, but also endeavors to Christianize hu- 
manity on the lines of social relationships and social 
ties, manifests itself in the discussions of our religious 
assemblies, in the deliberations of our popular con- 
ventions, in the organization of societies for works 
of beneficence and reform, and in the establishment 
of great missionary agencies and enterprises for the 
spread of the Gospel at home and abroad. 

With the great absorbing purpose of reaching the 
masses at home, and of spreading the Gospel among 
all people in all lands, evangelical Christianity has 
established numerous channels of communication, and 
organized complete and extensive missionary enter- 
prises conducted on such systematic principles and 
by such skillful methods as to make our Gospel re- 
sources best available to all our religious forces, and 
render them directly and quickly communicable to 
all parts of the world. 

Resources of Reform 65 

Thus evangelical machinery has been contrived 
by which any society or person can place work or 
means for Gospel enterprise in any part of the 
world. What magnificent opportunities for all man- 
ner of noble work, and what vast fields of labor 
for scattering seeds of Gospel truth that shall bring 
a glorious and an eternal harvest in the heavenly 
garners of our Lord! 

Our Racial Characteristics 

Though the racial contributions of foreign nations, 
by immigration to our country, have been, and still 
are, fraught with dangers against which we must 
constantly guard our shores, yet the fact is clearly 
apparent that Providence has undoubtedly displayed 
a guiding hand in establishing an Anglo-Saxon civi- 
lization in America. 

That two thirds of our white population, our lan- 
guage, our civil and religious institutions are Anglo- 
Saxon is a national characteristic of inestimable 
importance, inasmuch as the Anglo-Saxon race is the 
exponent of the two great ideas, civil liberty and 
spiritual Christianity. 

These two representative ideas, so potent in the 

spread of Christian civilization, are more effective and 

have a fuller development in the United States than 

in Great Britain, where civil liberty and spiritual 

66 God and Government 

life are more or less restrained and hampered by 
the union of Church and State. 

Whether or not an international Anglo-Saxon alli- 
ance should be sought and accomplished is yet an 
open question, but in our zeal for liberty and reli- 
gion it is a happy reflection indeed to know that within 
the borders of our own national domain we already 
have an assured and a powerful alliance between 
forty-five sovereign States, a Union indeed of com- 
manding opportunities and possibilities. 

May God, who is so manifestly using Anglo-Saxon 
power to conquer the world for Christ, and who is 
continually opening new fields of usefulness unto us, 
and who is so marvelously enlarging our scope of 
influence, enable us to account ourselves worthy of 
our national responsibilities and help us to act well 
our part in the great and peaceful Gospel warfare of 
King Immanuel. 

Our Christian Education 
"Moral education," says Fenelon, "is the bulwark 
of the State." The founders and fathers of our Re- 
public early foresaw that the safety, perpetuity, and 
progress of the nation depended largely upon the 
Christian education of our people. 

They realized that true education consists, not 
alone in the acquirement of knowledge or the culture 

Resources of Reform 67 

of the intellect, but that it includes also the train- 
ing of our moral nature and the uplifting of the soul 
on Gospel principles. 

Accordingly, the common school of colonial days 
was strictly a Church school, in which the children 
were carefully educated in the orthodox faith. The 
school-teacher stood next in rank of profession to 
the minister of the Gospel, and religious requirements 
were incorporated in the laws. 

The idea of purely secular education is, therefore, 
not an inheritance from our fathers, but evidently 
a product of modern atheism and irreligion, foisted 
upon the public under the hypocritical pretense of 
religious freedom. 

The time has come when the Christian sentiment 
of our people ought to reassert itself and, returning 
to the foundation principles upon which rest our na- 
tional rights and liberties, demand that the skeptical 
idea of pure secularity be banished from our public 
schools, and require that Christian morality be taught 
wherever education is maintained by public funds. 

The inculcation of Christian morals and principles 
through our State universities, normal schools, and 
colleges is even still more urgent. These fountain 
heads of higher learning, from which go out among 
the people our educators for the rising generation, 
should be sources of Gospel light and savor, as 

68 God and Government 

well as knowledge for public enlightenment and 

That the higher educational resources of our coun- 
try are largely under Christian control is fortunate 
indeed; and the noble work of our various denomi- 
national schools should be duly recognized and en- 
couraged. While the State should not, under any 
consideration, appropriate public funds for the sup- 
port of parochial or sectarian schools; yet there 
should be no legislation or administration of State 
authority to discourage the work of Christian educa- 
tion on the part of the Churches. 

Liberal support and patronage should, of course, 
be accorded our State schools in order to make them 
progressive and successful, but aside from this they 
should not be granted special privileges or advantages 
over other schools of equal merit, and there should 
be no partial discrimination between graduates from 
State schools and graduates from denominational 
schools of equal proficiency. Before our commis- 
sioners of public schools, and in fact everywhere, real 
merit on the basis of knowledge and Christian char- 
acter alone should win. 

Our Christian education should be fostered and 
cherished as our strongest resource of national virtue 
and prosperity. God bless the great army of Chris- 
tian teachers in this our beloved land; and may that 

Resources of Reform 69 

same sweet spirit of Christian munificence which 
called the three hundred and seventy universities 
and colleges of our own country into existence main- 
tain and prosper them in all the future. 

Our Christian Homes 

That during the past twenty years three hundred 
and twenty-eight thousand divorces have been 
granted by the courts of the United States is in- 
deed appalling; and this fact indicates very clearly 
that the perpetuity of the family and home life of 
our people is endangered, and should be vigilantly 
guarded by the powers of civil law and by every 
possible precaution to prevent improper marriages 
and divorces. 

While the mania for divorce in the degenera^^ed 
circles of society is deplorable, yet it is encouraging 
to know that when the total number of divorces is 
compared with the total number of marriages, in any 
given year, the per cent of unhappy marriages is, 
after all, comparatively small — so small, indeed, that 
there is probably no other important institution in 
all civilization that can show so small a per cent of 
total failure as marriage. 

The family is not only the oldest and most sacred 
institution of humanity, but is also a divine ordi- 
nance, which has from earliest times been main- 

70 God and Government 

tained and blessed of God as the nucleus of society 
and the basis of Church and State. 

The Saviour, who wrought his first miracle at a 
marriage feast, has bestowed his choicest benedic- 
tions on family altars and family ties. " All hail the 
power of Jesus' name" in Christian homes! 

'^ The foundation of a nation's glory," says Dr. 
Lucien Clark, " is the home, where men and women 
receive the bent and tone of their characters." The 
real heroes and benefactors of the nation are not 
our warriors who lead our armies to victory, not our 
statesmen who wield authority in our seats of power, 
not our authors of literary genius who mold public 
opinion — nay, not even our ministers who sway the 
multitudes with the powers of the precious Gospel. 
All these, it must be admitted, have wrought wonders 
for the public good, and merit immortal recognition 
in the laurels of the nation's glory ; yet, in the light of 
Gospel history and Gospel truth, it is evident that, 
eventually, in the Lord's great and eternal day, the 
highest roll of honor will, doubtless, be accorded 
our Christian fathers and mothers as the true and 
fundamental reformers, civilizers, and builders in the 
national household of God. 

Our Christian homes are our mightiest resources of 
social influence and power. Home is the school of 
character in which the earliest and most abiding 

Resources of Reform 71 

impressions are made by the moral and spiritual 
training of the human mind and heart. Here father- 
hood has a mission, but motherhood must lead as 
the most impressing power. Home! what a noble 
sphere for the exercise of the gifts and graces of 
Christian womanhood! Though in our day ampler 
and more public spheres have been opened to women, 
through the professions and the various reformatory 
and benevolent organizations, and though it is true our 
sisters, as coworkers in the Lord's cause, have every- 
where exalted the Gospel ideal of Christian steward- 
ship, yet woman's first and highest mission is not, by 
any means, in doubt; her crowning glory of noble 
power and influence is, unquestionably, centered in 
the queenly administration of the Christian home. 

Our Christian Sabbath 

The observance of the Christian Sabbath as the 
Lord's Day in America is coeval with the most sacred 
usages of our fathers in the early days of our Republic. 
The Puritans of New England, the Huguenots of the 
Carolinas, the Roman Catholics of Maryland, the 
Dutch of New Jersey, and the Quakers of Pennsyl- 
vania were all observers and defenders of the Christian 

The noblest men of our history — statesmen like 
Washington, Webster, and Lincoln — have recognized 

72 God and Government 

the Lord's Day as a divine institution; Sunday laws 
have been enacted by the national government and 
by every State in the Union, save one ; and more than 
a century of American history has demonstrated the 
moral, mental, and physical necessity of Sabbath 

The Christian Sabbath is our national citadel, our 
strong tower and bulwark against the moral degradation 
and physical degeneracy of our race ; and hence, even 
from a purely secular and civil standpoint, the right 
and propriety of Sunday legislation is unquestionable. 

The Sabbath is a salutary pause in the hurry and 
bustle of the busy age in which we live. It is the 
laborer's "Magna Charta" to an established septenary 
day of sweet franchise and needed rest from mental 
and physical toil ; and, above all, it is a day of family 
reunions and social intercourse, a day of quiet Bible 
study and prayer in the Christian home, a day of 
public worship and spiritual edification in the Church 
— in short, a day of noble enjoyment in every good 
word and work, remembering that " to do good and 
to communicate we must not forget, for with such 
sacrifices God is well pleased." 

" In holy pleasures, let the day, 

In holy duties, pass away; 

How sweet the Sabbath thus to spend, 

In hope of that which ne'er shall end!" 

Resources of Reform 73 

How animating and edifying to the soul are the 
sacred memories of the Sabbath as the Lord's resur- 
rection day; the day on which he, as the great Hero 
of the ages, led captivity captive by his glorious 
triumph over death, hell, and the grave; the day on 
which he, in his resurrection body, repeatedly ap- 
peared unto his followers ; the day on which he insti- 
tuted his Church by imparting his baptism of the Holy 
Ghost and by commissioning his apostles to preach 
his Gospel to all people in all the world. 

These sacred and historic events made the Lord's 
Day holy in the estimation of Christ's disciples and 
his immediate followers, and naturally led to its 
observance as the Christian Sabbath for all time to 
come. On the Lord's Day the disciples met for devo- 
tional services. The great apostle Paul and the 
primitive Church fathers, as also the faithful of God's 
people in all the centuries of the Christian era, have 
remembered and kept holy the Sabbath of our Lord, 
who has so happily manifested his good pleasure 
over the observance of his day by the spiritual 
baptisms and marvelous benedictions vouchsafed unto 
his people. 

But, regardless of such remarkable and memorable 
providences in the establishment of the Lord's Day, 
the State would be justifiable, even on purely secular 
grounds, in prescribing the first day of the week as 

74 (jiOI) AND (JJoVEliNMKNT 

our Cliristiun Sal)haih. Sabbath legislation without 
r(MU)gniti()n of ajiy one particular day would ho 
iMS})(H'ifi(^, ridiculous, and useless. Says Bishop John 
W Newman: ''The States is bound to intervene; the 
I)rincipl(^ of reciprocity (k^niands attention; rest for 
all nu^n demands that all men shall rest; if one banker 
rests all bankers must r(;st, all merchants must sus- 
pend business, all prof(\ssi()ns must cease to labor. 
Uniformity and conformity must go hand in hand." 

Christinn unity in Sabl)ath observance ought to be 
as practic.Mble niid satisfactory to all as it is desirable 
and n(^C(\ssary. The Providcnice directing the change 
from Jewish to the (/hristian Sabbath by the resur- 
rection of (/iu'ist is certainly just as clear and unmis- 
takable as was the Providence directing the change 
from the patriarchal to th(^ Mosaic Sabbath by the 
falling of the maima in the wilderness. That the 
divine law as to our septenary day of rest may apply 
as well to the first as to the last of seven days is also 
very a|)j)nrent from the fact that man's first day on 
earth was a Sabbath day, and therefore, in the very 
nature of things, ]u\ even in his original state of sin- 
lessness bc^fore the fall, observed Sabbath first before 
he labored to "dress" and " keep" the "gank'U Eden." 

All ('hristian people should labor and pray for unity 
and elliciency in a ])ro|)er observance of the Lord's 
Day, and in the enforcement of our Sunday laws. 

Resouiices of IIeeohm 75 

Sabbath (J(;secration is orio of tho crying!; sins of 
our times. Evil in the urirc^geruirate hcsart is th(^ 
fountain head of the various causes leading to such 
a gross violation of the fourth cornniandrn(;nt. 

While th(j powers of law and force of argument 
must, of course, be; apf)rK;d, yet we must r(;member 
that only Gospel truth lodgcMJ in the soul, the divine 
Word, accompanied by the Holy Spirit moving the 
conscience and leading to divinfily inwrought con- 
victions in respect to Sabbath observance — this alone 
will be; permanently effectual in the work of Sabbath 

In this great work the Christian peof)l(; of our land 
must lead both })y precept and cixample, as made 
effectual in the important work of tlir; home, the 
school, and the Church. 

Our Christian Beneficence 

Providence has placed great material resourc(!S at 
our command. Our national wealth, aside from our 
new possessions, is estimat(;d at ov(;r S1M,00(),()0(),()00, 
constituting us the richest nation on the globe. One 
fifth, or S18,800/X)0,0()(), of this wealth is in Christian 

Though it must be conceded that our Christian 
munificence is not what it might be and should be, 
in vi(;w of such vast resourcfjs, y(;t the; consciousness 

76 God and Government 

of stewardship in the use of wealth and the prev- 
alence of a strong and growing spirit of benevolence 
in the hearts of our people is encouraging. 

This spirit not only animates men and women of 
small means, who, as a rule, are the most liberal dis- 
pensers of their substance for the Lord's cause, but 
it also inspires the rich with the love that conquers 
selfishness and makes noble sacrifices in deeds of 
charity and munificence. 

The increasing millions of consecrated wealth flow- 
ing out annually from the treasures of the rich for 
the establishment of benevolent institutions and for 
the maintenance of great educational, philanthropic, 
and missionary enterprises are living evidences of the 
fact that wealth, as well as talent, is becoming Chris- 
tianized, and that many persons of ample means are 
realizing that riches are not given to be hoarded up 
in great fortunes to be squandered in sensuality, or to 
be displayed in gorgeous pomp and power, but to 
be dispensed in noble and immortal administrations 
of beneficence redounding to the glory of God and 
to the welfare of humanity. 

Both the disposition to give and the substance 
given are of God, and are essential in the advance- 
ment of our Lord's kingdom. While there are certain 
divinely inwrought powers of faith, hope, and love 
that cannot be substituted by material things, yet it 

Resources of Reform 77 

is a fact that money has a noble mission and a com- 
manding power in the great problems of Christian 
work. Says Dr. Strong: "For Christians to appre- 
hend their true relation to money, and the relations 
of money to the kingdom of Christ and its progress 
in the world, is to find the key to many of the great 
problems now pressing for solution. Money is power 
in the concrete; it commands learning, skill, expe- 
rience, wisdom, talent, influence, numbers. It repre- 
sents the school, the college, the Church, the printing 
press, and all evangelizing machinery." 

In view of such a relation of money to the Lord's 
kingdom, and in view of our opportunities for Chris- 
tian influence, usefulness, and power, parsimony is 
certainly incompatible with a truly Christian char- 
acter, and the giving of our support for Gospel 
enterprises should be considered by far more a joy 
and a privilege than a self-denial and a duty, inas- 
much as our beloved Lord has declared, " It is more 
blessed to give than to receive." " He that give th 
to the poor lendeth unto the Lord; and, look, that 
which he layeth out he will pay him again." "He 
that soweth plentifully shall reap plentifully." There- 
fore," be merciful after thy power: if thou hast much, 
give plenteously; if thou hast, little, give gladly of 
that little." 

78 God and Government 

Our Christian Journalism 

Of the 15,000 newspapers and periodicals published 
in the United States, about 700 are religious pub- 
lications, circulating more than 120,000,000 copies 

These religious journals in connection with the re- 
ligious intelligence and influence also furnished by 
most of our secular papers constitute a literary 
potency of first rank among the Christian resources 
of our country. 

While the freedom of the press is evidently exposed 
to many abuses that are fraught with danger of evil 
to society, yet it is true that the liberty of thought 
and speech, where properly applied, constitutes one of 
our most important resources of Christian intelligence 
and moral power for accomplishing wise and happy 
solutions of the social, political, and religious issues of 
our day and age. 

The power of the press in exalting the ideal of life 
in the individual, in shaping the course of events 
in the history of nations, and in promulgating Gospel 
truth for the advancement of Christ's kingdom, is in- 
calculable and inestimable. 

Ours is a reading age, and our journalists, who 
are not only the historians of current events, but 
also the expounders of modern thought and public 
opinion, wield an immortal power for good or 

Resources of Reform 79 

evil, according to the merit or demerit of their 

Both those who write and those who read should 
heed the eternal responsibility devolving upon them 
and seek to account themselves worthy of their lit- 
erary duties and opportunities. 

In view of the deplorable self -prostitution of a large 
portion of our secular press, as manifested in the bent 
and tone of evil teaching and in the unblushing detail 
of all manner of revolting vice and crime, it becomes 
the duty of Christian journalists not only to make 
their papers pure, elevating, and inspiring to their 
readers, but also to use their power of influence in 
seeking to induce the editors of our great dailies to 
expunge from their columns all that is impure, de- 
grading, and vulgar. Says Dr. M. B. Chapman: " Car- 
lyle used to ask pathetically in his last days why 
God did not speak. Let him speak through the 
columns of the religious press, and let us reiterate 
the sweet message that came from our Lord : ' Blessed 
are the pure in heart: for they shall see God.' " 




Mine eyes have seen the glory of the coming of the Lord: 

He is tramphng out the vintage where the grapes of wrath are 

He hath loosed the faithful lightning of his terrible swift sword: 
His truth is marching on. 

I have seen him in the watch fires of a hundred circling camps, 
They have builded him an altar in the evening dews and damps; 
I can read his righteous sentence by the dim and flaming lamps: 
His day is marching on. 

I have read a fiery gospel, writ in burnished rows of steel: 

^ As ye deal with my contenmers, so with you my grace shall 

Let the Hero, born of woman, crush the feerpent with his heel, 
Since God is marching on. 

He has sounded forth the trumpet that shall never call retreat: 
He is sifting out the hearts of men before his judgment seat; 
O, be swift, my soul, to answer him! Be jubilant, my feet! 
Our God is marching on. 

In the beauty of the lilies Christ was born across the sea, 
With a glory in his bosom that transfigures you and me; 
As he died to make men holy, let us die to make men free, — 
While God is marching on. 

— Julia Ward Howe. 



" Fight the good fight of faith."— 1 Tim. 6. 12 

THAT ours is a sociological and revolutionary age 
is not a misfortune, but rather a matter of con- 
gratulation and encouragement. Social revolutions on 
Gospel principles do not imply violence, and the ex- 
treme interest of the civilized world in social prob- 
lems is not, by any means, a token of degeneracy, but 
by far more a living evidence of Christian progress. 

The Gospel, though it condemns the spirit and prac- 
tice of the skeptical and violent socialism of degen- 
erated society, yet it teaches the Fatherhood of God 
and the brotherhood of man. It recants narrow and 
selfish individualism, it inculcates the spirit of kind- 
ness and good will to others, and enjoins the duty of 
altruism and mutual help. Christian socialism, born 
of Gospel intelligence, spiritual conviction, and moral 
betterment of men, is inspired by the purest motives 
and seeks the revolution of society, not for selfish 
ends, but for the common good,^nd not by violence, 
but by the power of applied Gospel principles. 

Our Lord's counseling his disciples to buy swords 


84 God and Government 

was not, even in the remotest sense, a repudiation of 
faith in the triumph of the Gospel through love and 
sacrifice, nor was it, in any way, an indication of the 
idea of violence in Gospel warfare, but was absolutely 
and clearly only a striking metaphorical expression 
suggesting the vehemence and uncompromising char- 
acter of the great irrepressible moral conflict of Chris- 
tianity against the evils and dangers which threaten 
humanity individually and socially. 

That the great moral transformation of society to 
be accomplished by the Gospel may be properly 
termed a social revolution is unquestionable; for the 
struggle leading to this result is not an imaginary 
warfare against a mythical foe of only a mere super- 
stitious significance, but it is the supreme conflict of 
ages by which the mightiest forces of the universe — 
Christ and Satan — clash; a conflict in which the 
greatest temporal and eternal interests are involved, 
and by which the destiny of individuals and of 
nations shall be determined. 

Our country is evidently one of God's chosen battle- 
fields for this great social conflict, in which we are 
already so irrevocably involved; and we, as a Chris- 
tian people, may congratulate ourselves upon our 
opportunities of moral heroism and noble warfare 
"for God and home and native land." The fact that 
there are many gigantic and dangerous evils con- 

Social Revolution 85 

fronting us, and threatening the fate of our RepubUc, 
need not overwhelm us with dispair, but should re- 
mind us of the earnestness of the conflict and lead us, 
in the fear of God, to seek and exercise the heroic 
faith and dauntless courage of a Caleb and a Joshua 
in facing the enemies of our national vantage ground. 
"If God be for us who can be against us?" Our 
Hero of the Cross is invincible, and with a proper alle- 
giance of ourselves to him victory is assured. Indeed, 
Christianity, though it occupies no visible throne and 
wields neither civil nor military forces, is already the 
coming mightiest power of the land. But while we 
thus enmlate the winning powers of our Leader in Gos- 
pel warfare, and endeavor to appreciate the scope and 
the magnitude of the social revolution to be accom- 
plished, let us also seek properly to locate the main 
strongholds of Satan and to comprehend the nature of 
the national dangers confronting our progress. 


Among the legion of evils and dangers threatening 
our fair Republic, atheism stands first in line because 
it is the fundamental principle in Satan's warfare 
against truth, virtue, and religion; and because it is 
the fountain head of the bitter stream swelling the 
flood gates of vice and crime in society. 

As the old serpent in Paradise disguised falsehood 

86 God and Government 

under the pretense of truth, so the Devil of atheism 
in our day conceals his Satanic identity and diabolic 
purposes under various names and pretenses. Athe- 
ism appears in various forms under the names 
Rationalism, Materialism, Pantheism, Socialism, Com- 
munism, Nihilism, Christian Science, ad infinitum; but 
the prevailing spirit and the ultimate ruinous results 
are invariably the same. 

Atheism, if permitted to accomplish its baneful pur- 
pose, would annihilate the Holy Scriptures, abolish the 
Church of God, deny the existence of the Deity, the 
immortality of the soul, the reward of heaven, and the 
penalty of hell; it would substitute diabolic falsehood 
for divine truth; it would inspire the human mind 
with hatred for God and holy things; it would de- 
throne Christianity from human hearts, and establish 
the lust of the flesh, the lust of the eye, the pride of 
life, self-will, social disorder, and general debauchery 
as common and unrestrained evils in society. 

The prevalence and progress of atheism as evident 
from the infidelic theories and practices of various 
anti-Christian elements of our social fabric and from the 
general estrangement of the masses from the Churches, 
and from Gospel precepts and principles, must there- 
fore be regarded as a most serious national danger 
against which every Gospel force and Christian re- 
source at our command should be vigorously directed 

Social Revolution 87 

in defense of the faith of our Fathers, and the safety 
and perpetuity of our RepubHc. 

With the dangers of atheism confronting us, we 
certainly cannot afford dehberately to expunge the 
name of God from the curriculum of our public educa- 
tion. "Culture," says Bunsen, "without religious 
consciousness, is nothing but civilized barbarity and 
disguised animalism." 

There should be no divergence between education 
and religion in our common schools and State univer- 
sities. Even in a free State it is not necessary that 
public education should be entirely divorced from 
revealed religion. With all the differences between 
our various religious denominations, there is, never- 
theless, a common basis upon which the faith of all 
rests. The great fundamental truths concerning the 
existence and supremacy of God, the divinity and 
authority of Christ, the power and inspiration of the 
Holy Spirit, the immortality of the soul, the moral 
obligation in matters of right and wrong, the sacred- 
ness and solemnity of the oath, the certainty of eter- 
nal reward or punishment — these are doctrines upon 
which all forms of Christianity practically agree, and 
upon which the morality essential to our national 
preservation is founded. 

Though it is not the function of a Christian free 
State to teach sectarian doctrines, or to support sec- 

88 God and Government 

tarian institutions, yet it is nevertheless her duty as a 
power ordained of God to support Christianity and to 
secure her own preservation by fostering a broad un- 
denominational system of Christian education to be 
supplemented by the more specific religious instruc- 
tion of the Churches in the doctrines on which Christian 
denominations differ. 

Apprehending the inadequacy of mere secular educa- 
tion in view of the dangers of atheism confronting 
us, it is indeed refreshing to perceive a strong and 
healthy Christian sentiment aroused and expressed 
in the declarations and purposes of our new national 
organization, the Religious Education Association. 
All hail the power of this timely organization, so 
full of promise for our future of Church and State; 
and may its noble purposes in the dissemination of 
religious knowledge in all branches of Christian 
education, and in the moral elevation of our people, 
be gloriously accomplished. 

Mammonism consists not in the possession of 
wealth, but in the idolatry of things possessed. 
Mammonism is an evil, but wealth is a good thing. 
Our forefathers were poor, but the Republic which 
they founded has developed into the richest and 
mightiest nation of the world. This our material 

Social Revolution 89 

progress is certainly not a mere coincidence, but a 
dispensation of Providence; not a calamity, but a 
benediction; not an occasion for pessimistic alarm, 
but a cause for joyful gratitude to God. 

Wealth, beneficently employed, is an important 
factor in great industrial and commercial enterprises; 
it is the handmaid of art, science, literature, and 
religion among our people, and the fostering friend 
of the laboring class, who are thereby enabled to en- 
joy the reward and happiness that waits upon honest 
industry. Wealth, and the honorable accumulation 
thereof, from worthy motives, is therefore not an evil 
to be denounced, but a virtue to be encouraged. 

But the idolatry of wealth, the love of money for 
money's sake, is " the root of all evil" — a menace and 
a danger that bodes degeneracy and ruin to our Re- 
public. "Avarice and luxury," says Livy, "have 
been the ruin of every great State." History con- 
firms the truth of this declaration. While poverty 
has never killed a nation, wealth has precipitated the 
ruin of many. Israel, Babylon, Rome, and Spain — 
as other fallen nations — each began their decline 
while in the zenith of their glory. Their great wealth 
and national splendor generated carnal security, 
false pride, moral corruption, discontent, and final 

Mammonism is doubtless as progenerative of evil in 

90 God and Government 

our times as in days of yore, and we know from living 
evidences innumerable that it leads men to ignore the 
claims of God and to indulge a materialism that 
pollutes the heart, sears the conscience, and stultifies 
the soul with the ban of a moral paganism that is as 
ruinous and damnable as the idolatry of heathendom. 
The passion for money breeds servility of trade to all 
manner of criminality; it engenders fraudulent money- 
getting monopolies that outrage every sense of hon- 
esty and justice; it spreads broadcast over the land 
a nefarious literature that demoralizes immortal souls; 
it distills the fruits of earth into poisonous liquids that 
brutalize human beings; it fosters dens of iniquity that 
curse society with pauperism, drunkenness, theft, riot, 
incendiarism, murder, and crimes, nameless and in- 
numerable; it generates an aristocracy of mammon 
worshipers, who in their homage of the money god 
sacrifice principle for gain and grow fat on the life- 
blood of the toiling masses; and it prostitutes the 
political life of the nation by placing in our legisla- 
tive halls men who will abuse their official prestige 
and power to defraud and outrage the constituency 
which they represent. 

Facing such dangers by the ravages of mammon- 
ism wise legislation on trusts, bribery, the money 
problem, and our growing land aristocracy is certainly 
in demand. In defense of the nation's honor and 

Social Revolution 91 

perpetuity, the abuses of wealth must be denounced 
and restricted, fraudulent money-getting schemes 
must be condemned and abolished, and the great 
money accumulations of the country must be made 
to bear their due portion of the support of the 
government and of the care of the dependent classes. 

We must not, however, depend on external remedies 
alone, or confine our reformatory efforts exclusively 
to certain localities or classes. Mammonism is a 
moral malady requiring a moral remedy, a cosmo- 
politan evil extending to all classes and all places; and 
though all may not be equally contaminated, yet per- 
haps none are entirely exempt, and all need the at- 
tention of the great Physician, "who healeth all our 
diseases, and redeemeth our life from destruction.'^ 

The Gospel of healing for this malady was pro- 
claimed on the hills of Galilee two thousand years 
ago; and where the saving grace of this Gospel is 
applied the Spirit of Christ drives out the Devil of 
avarice and establishes the supremacy of Christian 
charity in the heart. The souls thus liberated look 
above the eagle on our dollars, and can truly and 
reverently say, "In God we trust!" 


"Wine is a mocker, strong drink is raging; and 
whosoever is deceived thereby is not wise." This 

92 God and Government 

scriptural and proverbial saying is as vital and true in 
our day and generation as it was three thousand years 
ago. Other evils and idolatries have had their limita- 
tions of time and place, and have been restrained 
and overcome by counteracting forces, but the Devil of 
strong drink, deified by men and women into a mighty 
God of Bacchus, has not grown antiquated, but has 
survived and prospered through all ages, and is to- 
day the most diabolic and ruinous foe of humanity. 

Depraved appetite and greed, the allianced and 
licensed copartners of the hellish liquor traffic, have 
relentlessly conspired to thwart the powers of virtue 
and religion in society, and there is not a nation 
in all civilization that is free from the blighting and 
brutalizing curse of Bacchanalianism. 

Gladstone declares: "Intemperance has injured the 
Anglo-Saxon race more than war, pestilence, and 
famine." Governor Dix, of New York, admits: "In- 
temperance is the undoubted cause of four fifths of 
all the crimes, pauperism, and domestic misery of 
the State." Indeed, it seems idle to quote eminent 
authorities or to reiterate the wrongs and woes of this 
appalling evil so commonly known and condemned 
since there is scarcely a home in our land into which 
the trail of the serpent has not entered, and whose 
happiness has not been marred by the fiery demon 
of strong drink. 

Social Revolution 03 

The liquor traffic, so progenerative of the drink 
evil, is doubtless one of the most serious problems 
confronting the nation. This giant of iniquity so 
thoroughly organized, so powerful in its influence, 
so arrogant in its demands, and so confident in its 
rule of ruin, is " God's worst enemy and the Devil's 
best friend in the bosom of civilization." 

Bacchanalianism fostered by the licensed liquor 
traffic degenerates our race morally, mentally, and 
physically; it creeps into our homes, our schools, and 
our Churches ; it blasts the lives and fortunes of thou- 
sands of our citizens annually; it controls political 
parties, debauches legislators, and perjures courts; it 
prostitutes our towns and cities; it holds public offi- 
cers and party machines with iron grasp; it bull- 
dozes and vilifies the advocates of temperance, 
morality, and religion; and seeks to muzzle the press, 
the platform, and even pulpit of the land. 

With such a progeny of Bacchanalianism known 
by all men, and admitted even by liquor dealers 
themselves, the duty of Christian citizenship, in tem- 
perance work and legislation, seems to be very plain. 
Knowing that but very few of the victims of the drink 
evil are ever permanently redeemed, it is clear that 
prevention is better than cure, and that the only suc- 
cessful remedy lies in the principles and practices of 
total abstinence and prohibition. 

94 God and Government 

Though a century of temperance warfare has not 
yet been able to overthrow BacchanaHanism in the 
United States, yet noble results in temperance re- 
form have been achieved, and the encouraging out- 
look for the future is promissory of greater triumphs 
yet to come. 

Agitation and discussion through the pulpit, plat- 
form, and press has placed the temperance question 
as a living issue in the minds of our best people, and 
Churches, political parties, financial enterprises, and 
business corporations, are studying its bearings and 
are more than ever alive to its merits. 

Public instruction, through our common schools, on 
the evils of narcotics and intoxicating liquors is edu- 
cating our rising generation on the drink habit, our 
people generally are becoming more practically en- 
lightened on the evils of intemperance, and are real- 
izing more and more that the liquor problem is not 
simply a moral issue, but a question of health, lon- 
gevity, financial prosperity, social purity, and public 

While it is a self-evident fact that the Hquor evil 
can never be wholly abolished by any law so long as 
men and women have a craving appetite for strong 
drink, yet it has been unquestionably demonstrated 
by legislative and judicial achievements that prohibi- 
tion does diminish drunkenness and Bacchanalianism. 

Social Revolution 95 

Though the power of saloon prestige in certain 
locahties and the complete enslavement of the drink- 
ing element of our population is deplorable, yet the 
general growth of temperance sentiment and the in- 
crease of total abstinence are encouraging. Drinking 
is no longer looked upon as a common and unchal- 
lenged attribute o! true manliness, while total absti- 
nence is the becoming and laudable characteristic of 
the typical American. 

Personal prohibition — total abstinence by individ- 
ual choice — is perfectly consistent with the principles 
and practices of true American liberty, and this is the 
balm in Gilead that will eventually solve the drink 
problem of the land, reasonably, naturally, and con- 
clusively. Our drunkard-makers and their dupes 
may declare that high license will not dethrone Bac- 
chanalianism, that prohibition does not prohibit, that 
local option is a farce, but let all our sons and daugh- 
ters of liberty not yet enslaved by the rum tyrant 
simply assert their rights, privileges, and duties in 
temperance reform by the enforcement of personal 
prohibition unanimously and permanently, and our 
drink problem will be gloriously solved. Our liquor 
traffic thus relegated to the exclusive support of our 
drunkards, who, as a rule, are poor and short lived, 
would soon die a natural death, and Bacchanalianism 
would become a thing of the past. 

96 God and Government 

Let the temperance forces of Uncle Sam's domin- 
ion, such as the Woman's Christian Temperance Union, 
the Anti-Saloon League, etc., take noble courage. 
Heaven's approbation rests upon the great reform 
for which they labor. God's power is mightier than 
the power of the enemy, and victory is bound to come. 

The final abolishment of the army canteen, which 
for a time was a matter of contention between our 
citizens at home and a great demoralizing evil among 
"our boys" in the military service, was doubtless one 
of the happiest events of our national legislation in 
the first year of the new century. Though the harm 
done by the alleged ambiguity, which made inefficient 
the first Anti-Canteen law, can never be made good, 
yet it is gratifying to know that by the authority of 
the new law, more explicit and more stringent than 
the old law, the "army saloon" has now been 

But legislative triumphs of still greater importance 
in anti-Bacchanalian warfare are the recently enacted 
federal laws prohibiting the sale of intoxicating liq- 
uors in our national capitol buildings, as also in our 
immigrant stations, and protecting the yet unciv- 
ilized islands of the Pacific Ocean from the liquor 
and opium traffic. May the providence of God, pre- 
vailing through the councils of men, so direct our 
future national legislation as to eventually establish 

Social Revolution 97 

and strictly maintain the long-sought and much- 
needed interstate commerce law, which shall empower 
local option territory and prohibition States not only 
to control the liquor traffic within their own bounds, 
but also to forbid the importation of intoxicating 
liquors from other States — a power hitherto denied 
by the Supreme Court. 

The Social Vice 

Licentiousness, the great social vice in all lands, is, 
according to an eminent statistician and expert in 
criminal history, one of the most powerful causes of 
crime, pauperism, and misery in the United States 
of America. The sexual purity of the rising genera- 
tion and of the manhood and womanhood of the 
nation is threatened and largely prostituted by the 
immoralities of sex prevailing through a defective 
parental influence, a perverted social intercourse, a 
poisoned public literature, a degrading abuse of fine 
arts, and the allurements of houses of infamy in our 
towns and cities. 

The social vice is a vulture which preys upon the 
rottenness of the vilest instincts and panders to the 
basest passions in human nature. It poisons the 
intellect, crucifies virtue, blunts the obligation of 
personal purity, disseminates loathsome diseases, 
spreads hereditary taints of evil, endangers the 

98 God and Government 

home life of our people, and breeds moral degra- 
dation and ruin. 

Alas, that the magnitude of this evil is so rarely 
comprehended, and that the remedies applied are so 
frequently by far inferior to the malady treated. The 
delicacy of the subject instinctively leads to an atti- 
tude of avoidance and inactivity regarding sexual 
vices. Parents shut their eyes and, even without 
counsel or warning, risk the exposure of their children 
to vicious social influences; teachers find difficulty in 
imparting proper instruction; ministers are tempted 
to avoid directness in broaching such subjects; and 
public journals are prone to treat social evils with 
silence. Hence, under the ban of a false sense of 
shame, the dangers of the social vice remain unex- 
posed, and thousands of our youths are entrapped 
into the snares and follies of nameless sins. 

Our duty in confronting this evil is unquestionable, 
and the remedy to be applied is plain and unmistak- 
able. The work in the crusade against the social vice 
is largely a work of prevention, an ounce of which is 
better than a pound of cure. Impurity must be pro- 
hibited by teaching purity, dishonor must be averted 
by inculcating principles of honor, and vice must be 
counteracted by f orestallments of virtue in the hearts 
and minds of our people. 

In this noble work the Christian homes, the schools, 

Social Revolution 99 

and the Churches must lead, while the White Cross 
League, the American Purity Alliance, the Western 
Society for the Suppression of Vice and kindred or- 
ganizations, shall join in the ceaseless and vigorous 
warfare against the social vice, which is the corrupter 
of our youth, and the insiduous foe of our race. 

While the meagerness and futility of laws in the 
interest of social purity must be deplored, yet it is 
gratifying to see prevailing public sentiment discard- 
ing the passing idea of merely restricting the social 
vice to certain ill-famed localities in our cities, and 
seeking by the powers of prohibitory laws to suppress 
this loathsome evil everywhere. 

Much credit is due the Woman's Christian Temper- 
ance Union, which, through the distinguished in- 
fluence of Margaret Dye Ellis, at the national capital, 
has done such noble work toward securing, through 
the legislation of Congress, the restoration of the law 
to exclude obscene pictures and prizes from pack- 
ages of tobacco, and the appointment of six women as 
immigrant inspectors at the port of New York to aid 
in preventing the importation of women for immoral 


The City Problem 

The rapid increase of our city population from four 
to over thirty per cent during the past century sug- 
gests the importance of the city problem. Our rural 

100 God and Government 

population in many States is coming to a standstill, 
or even to an actual shrinkage, and the increase is 
in our cities, which are rapidly multiplying in num- 
ber and growing in size and in power. 

Attracted by superior privileges of enjoyment, the 
enticements of vice, the opportunities for specula- 
tion, the conveniences for commerce and manufac- 
ture, and the possibilities of social and political 
power, our population is gradually drifting to the 
towns and cities. 

The fact that we already have within the United 
States nearly three hundred important cities, with 
the passenger elevators lifting them skyward, and the 
conveniences of rapid transit pushing them out to 
the remotest bounds of our territory, is certainly a 
significant, though not necessarily, as some would sur- 
mise, an alarming aspect of our modern civilization. 

True it is, that evil is, and always was, most potent 
in large cities. The great cities of antiquity were, in 
a great measure, the citadels of Satanic powers and 
influences. Think of the debaucheries of Sodom and 
Gomorrah, of the pollutions of Tyre and Sidon, of the 
idolatry of Nineveh, the wickedness of Babylon, and 
of the degeneracy of even Jerusalem in her latter 
days. Casting our eyes from the past upon the pres- 
ent, we are painfully reminded of the fact that sin- 
fulness, as an abiding quality of human nature, still 

Social Revolution 101 

asserts its debasing powers by utilizing our great 
modern cities as the fountain heads of the polluting 
streams of evil, which are fraught with moral degra- 
dation and eternal ruin to human souls. 

While it is true that ungodliness abounds every- 
where, yet it is certainly most rife and powerful in the 
cities where all forms of dissipation that lure to vice 
and crime are shielded by an influence that is well- 
nigh omnipotent; and where gorgeous wealth, impos- 
ing splendor, persuasive eloquence, and social prestige 
are all in the ranks of the world, the flesh, and the 
Devil as weapons of wickedness against holiness, 
virtue, and religion. Here the low, the vile, and the 
outcast elements of societ}^, as well as the fine-haired 
and blue-blooded vultures in human form, organize 
for purposes of intrigue, and prey upon the unsus- 
pecting victims who are entrapped in their snares. 
Here, in the nightly debaucheries of gambling dens 
and houses of infamy, Satan corrupts the innocence 
of youth, destroys the purity of home, and enslaves 
the soul in chains of darkness, death, and hell. The 
city government only too frequently lays down her 
scepter before the powers of iniquity, and her police 
force, ignoring its mission of law, decency, and order, 
becomes the shield of vice and crime in these Gib- 
raltars of Satanic power. 

Thus it is plain that the seats of the powers of 

102 God and Government 

wickedness are located in our cities, and that here are 
the decisive battle grounds of civilization and religion. 
Herein lies the great importance of special effort for 
the evangelization of our cities. Bless God, for the 
powers of the Saviour's Gospel by which our cities 
are redeemable from the perils of wickedness, and 
may be transformed from centers of darkness into 
centers of Gospel light and power and purity. City 
evangelization is encouraged by the example and 
precept of our Saviour, who devoted his personal 
ministry largely to cities, and commanded his apostles 
to preach his Gospel, beginning at Jerusalem. Cities 
were the theaters of the Holy Spirit's first visita- 
tions, and marvelous achievements in the conversion 
of souls. Cities in our day enjoy peculiar advan- 
tages for the promotion of religion, besides exerting a 
commanding influence on the country and the world. 
For the evangelization of our cities many things 
are needed — one of which certainly is the extension 
of Gospel privileges and opportunities to the care- 
less, the vicious, and the neglected classes of society. 
Happily, the Institutional Church, our National City 
Evangelization Union, and other organizations, have 
set out in real earnest to study the solution of the city 
problem, to quicken the conscience of the Churches in 
the work, and to devise ways and means whereby the 
unevangelized may be reached and supplied with 

Social Revolution 103 

the Gospel. God save our cities and make them great 
Gibraltars of power in the work of evangeUzing the 

Political Corruption 

Possibly our greatest national danger is political 
corruption, the disease of which governments die. 
History does not record a single instance of a gov- 
ernment absolutely pure, and doubtless there has 
always been more or less corruption in the manage- 
ment of government affairs among all nations. That 
American government is subject to this common 
tendency of human depravity, and that there has 
been a marked and rapid decadence in the direction 
of political corruption in our own country during the 
last decade is painfully evident. 

The cost of conducting political campaigns is grow- 
ing enormously. Money is becoming more and more 
a powerful element in our politics, and King Dollar 
too frequently holds the balance of power in elec- 
tions. This is unmistakable evidence of a dangerous 
political corruption. There is, of course, a legitimate 
use of money in elections, that is when money is ap- 
plied for printing and circulating political literature, 
for the hiring of public halls, and for the employment 
of campaign oratory. But no intelligent person 
would suppose that the vast amount of money now 
being expended by the political parties in national 

104 God and Government 

and State elections is thus applied to legitimate uses. 
The greater portion of it passes from the bribe-givers 
to the bribe-takers to buy votes. 

Bribery — what a burning shame and a blighting 
curse to American politics! There was a time when 
bribery was despised as a disgraceful crime to which 
none but traitors would resort, but alas, the day has 
come when bribery no longer bows its head with 
shame, but even boldly defies honesty in politics and 
decides elections in its own favor. By such tactics the 
will of the people is defeated, honest government is 
overruled, public virtue is prostituted, politics becomes 
degraded, corrupt officials are conveyed to seats of 
power, and the stability of the nation is threatened. 

Surely American freedom can and must be guarded 
against the rule and ruin of merchandise in political 
suffrage. The safeguards of the nation must be 
strengthened by elevating the standard of political 
morality — by teaching through every available re- 
source of education that bribery and corruption con- 
stitute a crime against our flag and our country's 
God. With the aid of millions of loyal Americans, 
who, as worthy sons and daughters of liberty, could 
not be bribed by all of the combined forces of earth 
and hell, the outlook for the future of our Republic 
ought to be bright and full of promise. 

The desire of the people for pure and honest gov- 

Social Revolution 105 

ernment is manifested by the recent progress in 
ballot reforms, by the laws regulating the expendi- 
ture of money in elections, by the growing sentiment 
advocating the election of United States senators by 
a direct vote of the people, by the general crusade on 
behalf of pure civic life, and, with all these things 
favorable, the opening years of the new century 
should witness a marked and rapid cleansing of our 
State and national politics. 

Extravagance and Luxuriousness 

Finally, before closing this chapter, extravagance 
and luxuriousness should be mentioned as dangerous 
foes to our Republic. Though wealth is no more 
a crime than poverty could be a virtue, yet it is 
apparent that our material prosperity, where not 
accompanied by a corresponding moral, intellectual, 
and spiritual advancement, is progenerative of a 
materialism that is liable to assert itself in an ex- 
travagance and a luxuriousness that bodes danger 
to our national welfare. 

Luxury generates imbecility of manhood. Says 
Herodotus : " It is a law of nature that faint-hearted 
men should be the fruit of luxurious countries, for we 
never find that the same soil produces delicacies and 
heroes." Even more is true, Luxury not only unmans 
the individual, but it demoralizes society by generating 

106 God and Government 

and fostering a spirit of envy, hatred, and sedition 
among men. Says George Bancroft : " Sedition is bred 
in the lap of luxury." The fallen nations of history 
are witnesses to this fact. By the dissolution of king- 
doms, by the overthrow of empires, and the fall of 
republics, luxurious extravagance has sounded the 
death knell of great nations. 

Having no guarantee that the rule of history shall 
be specially reversed for our national safety, we, as 
the people of a great and prosperous nation, with en- 
ticements to luxurious self-indulgence on every hand, 
may do well to apprehend the timely forewarnings of 
the dangers confronting us. Were the great nations 
of antiquity tempted by their material prosperity to 
indulge the sins of luxurious extravagance, then we 
would better be reminded that we are already under- 
going the same trial and are indeed being threatened 
with coming judgment. 

Behold the millions of our wealth lavishly and reck- 
lessly squandered in sumptuous State dinners, in 
riotous campaign feasts, in gaudy inauguration balls, 
in "vigorous foreign policies," in sensual amusements, 
in carnal indulgencies, in social shams, and imposing 
bigotries innumerable; while the multitudes of the 
poor are in want for even the actual necessaries of life! 

Moreover, unworthy stewardship of God's bounty is 
revealed, not only in unblushing luxuriousness of the 

Social Revolution 107 

rich, but is also manifested in the reckless extrava- 
gances of the people of moderate means; for by the 
influence of mechanical invention, which cheapens 
luxuries, self-indulgence has been so greatly extended 
and multiplied that even among common people the 
annual expenditures for luxuries far exceed the 
outlays for the necessaries of life. 

While there is much diversity of opinion as to the 
propriety and method of legal restrictions and pro- 
hibitions on personal indulgence, yet, from a scientific 
as well as a moral and political standpoint, the impor- 
tance of counteracting luxurious extravagances by 
opposing them on Gospel principles is unquestionable. 
Our national perpetuity, as well as our advancement 
in Christian civilization, demands the protection of 
our young and rising generation against the evil of 
luxurious indulgences, the cultivation of the higher 
elements of human nature in individual lives, and the 
establishment of a public sentiment that will condemn 
and forbid the luxurious extravagances that threaten 
our race and imperil our nation. 

Let the great work of modern social reform begin- 
ning at Washington go on and accomplish its mis- 
sion there and everywhere throughout the land. 

The old-time idea that official society at the national 
capital is or should be the whole or crowning thing 
in social life deserves to pass away. 

108 God and Government 

Presidential administrations should no longer be 
embarrassed by the responsibilities of leadership in 
the events of the social season. Incumbents of cabinet 
positions, our senators and representatives in Con- 
gress, as well as all other public officials, should not 
be incumbered with social extravagances that would 
either tempt them to dishonesty or relegate them to 
private life. All hail the power of the public sentiment 
that frowns down the moblike functions of the official 
receptions, at which small fortunes are lavishly 
squandered. The official dishonesty generated by 
the enormous expenditure of such social eclat con- 
demns such extravagance in the minds of the people. 
Ours is a practical business age, and the common 
sense of the people's representatives at the national 
capital is dictating a more simple and rational per- 
formance of social obligations in official circles. 
Though usage as well as social etiquette will command 
the future continuance of the formalities of official 
receptions, yet let us hope that the force of pubhc 
sentiment and the practice of proverbial Jeffersonian 
simplicity will eventually eliminate the abominations 
of former extravagances and establish a more honest 
and healthy condition of things in social matters at 
Washington, as also in the capitals of the various 
States of the nation. 



Across the rolling ocean 

Our Pilgrim Fathers came, 
And here, in rapt devotion, 

Adored the Maker's name. 
Amid New England's momitains, 

Their temple sites they chose, 
And by its streams and fountains 

The choral song arose. 

Their hearts with freedom burning, 

They felled the forest wide. 
And reared the halls of learning. 

New England's joy and pride; 
Through scenes of toil and sadnass 

In faith they struggled on, 
That future days of gladness 

And glory might be won. 

The men of noble spirit, 

The pilgrims, are at rest — 
The treasures we inherit 

Proclaim their memory blest! 
From every valley lowly, 

From mountain tops above. 
Let grateful thoughts, and holy. 

Rise to the God of love. 

— P. H. Sweetser. 



" Render therefore unto Caesar the things that are Csesar's; 
and unto God the things that are God's."— Matt. 22. 21. 

CHURCH and State are not organically related 
in the United States. Though both are recog- 
nized as divine institutions, yet they have separate 
functions, and each pursues an independent course in 
its own sphere. The Church, having to do with 
spiritual things, has religious liberty in all that pertains 
to the kingdom of God. The State, having to do with 
public affairs, has free course in all that relates to the 
administration of civil government. Notwithstanding 
this reciprocal independence, there is, however, a very 
close cooperative relation between Church and State in 
America. While the State depends for its existence 
upon the character given its citizens by the Church, 
the Church in turn depends upon the State for pro- 
tection of property, of worship, and all beneficent 
work. This system of independence and coopera- 
tion between Church and State accomplishes the end 
of noninterference and free-working the most complete 
in history, and demonstrates to the world that civil 
and religious liberty are happy and fundamental 


112 God and Government 

principles in a successful Christian "government of 
the people, by the people, for the people." "What- 
ever," says Dr. Schaff, "may be the merits of the 
theory of the American system, it has worked well in 
practice. It has stood the test of experience. It has 
the advantage of the union of Church and State with- 
out the disadvantages. It secures all the rights of 
the Church without the sacrifice of liberty and inde- 
pendence, which are worth more than endowments." 

This relation of independence between Church and 
State must therefore not be misconstrued as a skeptical 
provision necessitating an absolute divorcement of 
religion from the State, but should be regarded as a 
consistent and practically applied principle of liberty 
that is essentially both republican and Christian in 
theory and practice. 

From the State papers, the speeches, and the polit- 
ical literature of colonial days, it is evident that the 
deliberations of our fathers in framing our National 
Constitution were not actuated by skeptical motives, 
but that they fully realized the importance of the 
prevalence of Christian principles in the adjustment 
and conduct of public affairs, and in the promotion 
of our national welfare. But it is also apparent that 
the wise men who founded our Republic had read 
history with a full understanding of the baleful effects 
of the mingluig of religion and politics, and hence, 

Church and State 113 

endeavoring to solve the vexed problem of the ages 
and seeking to escape the serious difficulties encoun- 
tered by the nations of the old world, they were care- 
ful to rear a structure of government unhampered 
by ecclesiastical entanglements. 

Accordingly, the provision was made in our National 
Constitution that "No religious test shall ever be 
required as a qualification to any office or public trust 
under the United States," and that "Congress shall 
make no law respecting an establishment of religion 
or prohibiting the free exercise thereof." Thus perfect 
religious liberty was assured, the establishment of a 
State Church was prohibited, religious institutions were 
forever debarred from the sphere of political con- 
troversy, and all ecclesiastical bodies were made 
absolutely equal before the law of the land. 

For centuries past three theories concerning the rela- 
tion of Church and State have prevailed in practice 
among the nations. First, Church supremacy over 
civil government. Second, State supremacy over the 
Church. Third, Church and State reciprocally inde- 
pendent. All three methods have been amply tried. 
In countries where Roman Catholicism has swayed 
power the doctrine of the supremacy of the Church 
has been assumed, and in countries where Protestant- 
ism has prevailed the doctrine of the supremacy of the 
State has been maintained. 

114 God and Government 

Neither Church supremacy in national affairs nor 
State supremacy in Church affairs has ever given 
satisfaction, but both relations have been detrimental 
and harmful to both Church and State. 

The independence of Church and State as prac- 
tically applied and successfully in vogue in the United 
States, for very apparent reasons, deserves the com- 
mendation and support of every American citizen, 
whether Catholic or Protestant. Even between the 
two great opposing factions of Christendom there 
should be no occasion for strife over the true relation 
of Church and State in our Republic. Every patriotic 
American citizen should be a loyal advocate of civil 
and religious liberty and an uncompromising defender 
of the Union against any power or influence that 
would seek to bring the Church and the State into 
unnatural relations which would militate against the 
welfare of the nation. 

Pure reciprocal independence is the ideal relation 
between Church and State; and, doubtless, our fathers 
were providentially guided in the establishment of 
this relation, by virtue of which we have not only 
escaped all theological embarrassments in our politics, 
but have secured, besides, all the advantages of re- 
ligious sentiment and achievement. Our history dem- 
onstrates that the complete separation of Church 
and State neither signifies the secularization of the 

Church and State 115 

State nor the effemination of the Church, but that 
such a reciprocal relation of independence is best 
for both institutions, and most conducive to the 
prosperity and happiness of the people. 

Indeed, our national policy and practice relative to 
the principle of Church and State relation has been 
more than vindicated by the remarkable progress of 
religion in the United States, and by the clearly 
manifested tendency toward the disestablishment of 
State Churches in other countries. The sweeping 
tendency of modern times is in the direction of civil 
and religious liberty, and therefore, though we have 
no State Church in America, yet in view of the power 
of revealed religion in our country, we are, in the 
eyes of the civilized world, not regarded as a godless 
people, but are respected at home and abroad as a 
Christian nation. 

The absence of an established State Church in our 
land is more than replaced by a multitude of free 
and independent Churches. The principles of the 
Christian religion underlie the foundations of our 
federal and State governments, and permeate our 
legislative, our judicial, and our executive depart- 
ments. While as far as numbers are concerned, it 
must be admitted that in our country, as in other 
lands, the really nonreligious portion of our people 
is yet in the majority; yet it is a fact beyond 

116 God and Government 

question that applied Christianity has been an 
active and a potent influence in the work of our 
national conquest and progress, and that the reli- 
gious element of our population of the present 
day is largely the controlling power in our national 

In remembrance of the superintending Providence 
guarding us, and in recognition of the beneficence 
of religion promoting our national welfare, our gov- 
ernment has, from its origin to the present day, 
honored and embraced Christianity in various ways. 
In all the colonial charters and compacts, in the 
Declaration of American Independence, in most of 
our State Constitutions, and in all the inaugural ad- 
dresses of our Presidents, save one, we find distinct 
recognitions of divine rulership in national affairs. 
Besides the chaplaincies in our army and navy, in 
Congress, and in our State Legislatures, the use of the 
Bible in our inaugural ceremonies, and in public in- 
stitutions, the administration of the oath in our 
courts of justice, the enactment of laws pertaining 
to Sabbath observance, to public worship, and to 
moral obligations, the annual Thanksgiving procla- 
mations by the President of the nation and by the 
governors of every State in the Union, the inscrip- 
tion on our coins, "In God we trust" — all these and 
many other things are evidences of the fact that our 

Church and State 117 

government embraces religion and that we are really 
a Christian nation. 

The propriety and beneficence of the mutual inde- 
pendence of Church and State in a Christian nation 
are easily apparent. This relation places the Church 
in a consistent attitude toward the teachings of 
Christ, who has declared that his kingdom is not of 
this world, it liberates the Church from servile sub- 
mission to political relations, and influences and gives 
her the power of self-adaptation and self-develop- 
ment as a divine institution; it places the Church on 
a self-sustainmg basis, demonstrating to the world 
that Gospel enterprises and religious institutions can 
stand alone and are not dependent upon national 

Moreover, freedom of the Church encourages Chris- 
tian unity by inciting spirituality and enthusiasm in 
religious endeavor, and by evoking a sentiment of 
common loyalty to the noble cause and high calling 
in Christ Jesus. True it is that some people of the 
State Church idea would denounce religious freedom 
under the plea that it has generated a denomina- 
tionalism that has been detrimental to the cause of 
Christian unity in America. Now it is true that, 
while State Churchism has fostered a dead formal- 
ism and even a rank skepticism in European nations, 
the abuse of religious liberty has, in many instances, 

118 God and Government 

disturbed the peace and harmony of religious workers 
and corporations b}^ placing sectarianism at war with 
the best interests of true Christian unity in America. 
Even at the present day, and in all the future, we 
shall do well to recognize the danger of religious strife 
and to avoid the sins of denominationalism, remem- 
bering that a divided Christendom wages an imequal 
contest against united sin. 

Fortunately, however, the folly of denominational 
rivalries is becoming more and more apparent, and 
religious sentiment in America is moving in the direc- 
tion of Church federation and Christian unity. The 
Congregational National Council of 1898 approved the 
proposal for a confederation of all our Protestant de- 
nominations. Actual attempts at local Church federa- 
tion in Pittsburg, New Haven, Hartford, in a portion 
of New York, and in other cities, have shown excellent 
results. More significant still is the accomplished fed- 
eration of the principal denominations of the State of 
Maine, as having already existed for half a dozen 

Even the two great opposing factions of Christen- 
dom, Catholicism and Protestantism, are laying aside 
many of their former antagonisms, and are being 
drawn closer toward each other by various affilia- 
tions in different forms of work. The Hon. Justice 
David J. Brewer, in an article published in The 

Church and State 119 

Inde'pendent, cites two remarkable instances showing 
the growing spirit of fraternaUsm between Cathol- 
icism and Protestantism in America. He relates: 
" Cardinal Gibbons, the head of the Catholic Church 
in this country, and Bishop Paret, of the Episcopal 
Church, were invited to attend a gathering in which, 
by reason of its official character, the rank of the 
various guests was a matter of consideration. The 
bishop, turning to the cardmal, said: 'Which has the 
higher rank, a cardinal in the Catholic or a bishop 
in the Episcopal Church?' 'I do not know,' was 
the reply; 'let us not raise the question, but let us 
go in side by side,' and they did." At a gathering 
of Congregationalists in Pennsylvania the eloquent 
Catholic Archbishop Ryan, of Philadelphia, was a 
welcome guest, and in the course of his speech truth- 
fully said, that "the spirit of charity is the spirit 
of the day. The time is past when the Protestant 
should look back upon the horrible things of the In- 
quisition and denounce Roman Catholicism on ac- 
count thereof, or the Cathohcs, on the other hand, 
look back at the hanging of the witches, or the perse- 
cution of the Quakers, and denounce Protestantism 
therefor, but each should shake hands and join in a 
common effort to further the cause of a common 
This growing spirit of religious charity effecting 

120 God and Government 

cooperation in Church work does not by any means 
indicate that denominationaUsm shall cease, and that 
an ultimate organic unity of the Churches shall take 
place in this country; but it does indicate a growing 
Christian unity without organic Church unity, which 
are two quite different things, as may be clearly 
seen from many forms of undenominational Christian 
work now being done; for instance, by the Young 
Men's Christian Association, by the Christian En- 
deavor Society, by the Sunday School Unions, by the 
Children's Aid Society, by the Chautauqua assem- 
blies, and by various other associations and organ- 
izations instituted for Christian cooperation in many 
lines of evangelistic and beneficent work. 

Such evidences and possibilities of growing Chris- 
tian unity in a land of civil and religious liberty speak 
volumes, not only for the maintenance of our Church 
and State independence, but also for our adherence 
to the old landmarks which characterize our Republic 
as a Christian nation. There are those who denounce 
the old established usages recognizing the supremacy 
of God and the importance of religion in national 
affairs as only so many relics of an antiquated State 
religion that ought to be abolished, and who, under 
the plea of independence between Church and State, 
emphatically demand the complete separation of 
every vestige of religion from everything pertaining 

Church and State 121 

to the government; and there are those also who, by 
the abuse of pohtical prestige, would seek to estab- 
lish and intrench ecclesiastical power and influence 
through access to our public treasuries for the pur- 
pose of securing funds for sectarian interests. 

Both of these influences should be promptly and 
vigorously rebuked in defense of our national welfare. 
Should our government ever become completely secu- 
larized by an absolute divorcement of religious pre- 
cepts and principles from all State affairs, she would 
thereby become bereft of her only safeguard of na- 
tional virtue and security, and would be hopelessly 
doomed to the same downfall and ruin that has be- 
fallen every other godless nation in the world's his- 
tory of bygone ages. 

Nor would an organic union of Church and State 
in our Republic be free from impending danger. 
"History," says Dr. J. M. King, "shows that where 
religious sects have been allowed to take public lands 
or public money they become gorged with wealth, 
and have forced a union of Church and State. It also 
shows that, wherever religion has been wedded to the 
State individual conscience has been debauched and 
a gigantic, tyrannical, political machine has been 

To avert both the perils of secularization on the 
one hand, and of ecclesiasticism on the other, for all 

122 God and Government 

future time, the same patriotic vigilance that has 
hitherto confronted the intrigues of atheism and 
Mormonism in this country must also assert itself 
in prompt and vigilant resentment against both the 
infidelic and the politico-ecclesiastical agencies threat- 
ening our national welfare. 

Generally speaking, however, it is gratifying to 
know that Christian faith is a much greater power in 
our religious and political relations than infidelity 
can now hope ever to be, and that the politico- 
ecclesiastical aspirations unfriendly to our civil and 
religious independence is limited exclusively to the 
primitive branch of Christendom. The Protestant 
Churches of the United States, though representing 
perhaps even a hundred denominations, differing 
with each other in their creeds, their forms of worship, 
and in their Church administrations, yet, as a rule, 
they are not in any wise antagonistic to the Consti- 
tution or the laws of the land, but are in harmony 
with the government, and regard the national wel- 
fare as a matter of great and common interest. They 
are, of course, interested in national affairs, they 
hold their convictions on all questions of public wel- 
fare, and in their conventions and conference as- 
semblies they declare themselves freely and emphat- 
ically on the moral and living issues of the day, 
but they are never found dictating a political party 

Church and State 123 

policy or seeking to control State or national legisla- 
tion for sectarian purposes. The Churches, as a 
whole, are truly patriotic and loyal to our flag, 
they respect and uphold civil law and authority, 
they foster morality and virtue, and seek the safety, 
perpetuity, and progress of the nation. 

Therefore, though Church and State are not and 
ought not to be organically united in this country, 
there is every plausible reason for a truly friendly and 
cooperative relation that should lead them as twin 
divine institutions into a spiritual unity and unto a 
harmonious power in confronting the great moral evils 
that threaten ruin to humanity, and in fulfilling the 
eternal obligations devolving upon them for the com- 
plete establishment and successful advancement of 
Christ's kingdom in every State and Territory or new 
possession of our entire national domain. 



Bright on the banner of lily and rose, 

Lo, the last sun of our century sets! 
Wreathe the black cannon that scowled on our foes, 

All but her friendships the nation forgets! 

All but her friends and their welcome forgets! 
These are around her: but where are her foes? 

Lo, while the sun of her century sets. 
Peace with her garlands of lily and rose! 

Welcome! a shout like the war-trumpet's swell 

Wakes the wild echoes that slumber around! 
Welcome! it quivers from Liberty's bell, 

Welcome! the walls of her temple resound! 

Hark! the gray walls of her temple resound! 
Fade the far voices o'er hillside and dell; 

Welcome! still whisper the echoes around; 
Welcome! still trembles on Liberty's bell! 

Thrones of the Continents! Isles of the sea! 

Yours are the garlands of peace we entwine; 
Welcome, once more, to the land of the free, 

Shadowed alike by the palm and the pine; 

Softly they murmur, the palm and the pine; 
Hushed is our strife in the land of the free; 

Over your children their branches entwine. 
Thrones of the continents! Isles of the sea! 

— Oliver Wendell Holmes. 



" On earth peace, good will toward men." — Luke 2. 14. 

THAT the Gospel millennium of peace on earth 
and good will to men is not yet at hand is very 
clearly evident from the daily records of modern 
warfare. The Devil of grasping greed and brutal con- 
flict has not yet been subdued and banished from the 
realms of civil authority, but he still reigns as the 
great disturbing element in humanity, and still re- 
veals his diabolic power in the upheavals of bloody 
strife among the nations. Hence, in spite of all ad- 
vancements in the arts of civilization, we still have 
wars and rumors of war. The great armored navies 
on the seas and the large standing armies on the con- 
tinents menace the peace of the civil powers. Indeed, 
the transition from the old into the new century has 
been marked by deplorable conditions of war, involv- 
ing the leading nations of the world ; and the horrid 
scenes of bloody conflict portrayed from the varior 
theaters of war in Africa, in the Philippines, and i. 
China, have brought about the common observation 
that the world is passing through a crisis, with the 


128 God and Government 

question at issue, whether civiUzation or barbarism 
shall prevail. Yet, with all the discord and strife 
between the powers of the present day, we must not 
ignore or overlook the salutary and pacifying influ- 
ence of Christianity in the international affairs of the 

Though the present status of international rela- 
tions is very far from its true ideal of what it should 
be, yet, when we compare the present with the past, 
there is evident a pleasing and a remarkable progress 
toward international fraternalism in Christian civi- 
lization. Among the nations of antiquity there was 
no such thing as acknowledged international law. 
With the Greeks and Romans the opponents in war 
were regarded as barbarians, and their laws and 
practices of warfare knew no limit beyond enslave- 
ment and extermination. Their captives in war were 
supposed to have lost all rights of life or liberty, and 
were tortured, enslaved, or killed at the captor's 

Though the jus gentium was finally evolved as a 
branch of internatiotial law among the Romans, and 
though the Greeks had their Amphictyonic League 
to regulate differences between the Hellenic States, 
yet, in either Grecian or Roman warfare with other 
lands, these laws were frequently suspended and, as 
a rule, had little power over complications with 

International Fraternalism 129 

foreign nations. In those times a nation's right to 
exist depended solely upon its ability to exist. In- 
ternational communication was frequently denied or 
violated, ambassadors were often savagely executed, 
and hostility, with the base motives of subjugation, 
extermination, or plunder, was regarded as the 
natural attitude of nations toward each other. 

That the progress of the modification of inter- 
national relations on Christian principles, and accord- 
ing to established laws, was, from the beginning, 
fragmentary and slow, is true and quite natural. 
It could, from the very nature of prevailing condi- 
tions and circumstances, not be otherwise. There 
had to be a distinct national organization of civil 
governments before a code of international laws 
could be formulated; and, since international law 
is a voluntary thing, there had to be a free and a 
submissive surrender of the independent and self- 
controlling States to the rules and regulations of 
national arbitration before the laws of nations could 
be applied and enforced in the adjustment and settle- 
ment of differences between the civil powers of the 

International law, like every other good thing, has 
been confronted by opposing difficulties. The cen- 
tralization of power in the Roman empire and the 
chaotic confusion of the formative period succeeding 

130 God and Government 

the fall of the Western empire were, for ages, the 
chief impediments to the progress of Christian princi- 
ples as expressed in the powers and regulations of 
laws between the nations. "But," says Dr. Storrs, 
"in spite of all that was weak, ignominious, and 
morally disgraceful in these centuries, and in those 
which followed, the undestroyed power of the Chris- 
tian religion continued to operate." 

The march of Christian civilization from the Middle 
Ages to modern times, the settlement of international 
disputes by papal arbitration as practiced until the 
close of the fifteenth century, and the importance of 
the Reformation during the sixteenth and succeeding 
centuries are facts of history, showing how Christian 
principles in international relations were eventually 
established "in good faith" between the nations, and 
how finally, by the treaty in 1648, international law 
was stamped with a positive character as an authority 
and a means of justice and fraternal regard between 
the civil powers. 

In the progress of Christian civilization from that 
time to our day and age, international relations 
have been greatly ameliorated. The growing ideas 
of justice and good will have ripened into domi- 
nant principles among men recognizing the fraternal 
obligations of nations toward each other. Though 
the Armenian and Chinese massacres, as also the 

International Fraternalism 131 

atrocities of recent wars, are unwelcome reminders 
of the barbarisms of darker ages, yet it is gratifying 
to know that the frequency of war is lessened, the 
occasion for it is limited, and its horrors have, on the 
whole, been greatly diminished. War between nations 
is now only an ultimate expedient reluctantly re- 
sorted to after all efforts of diplomacy have failed. 
Arbitration as a means of settling national disputes is 
growing in favor, international law is becoming more 
and more a recognized standard of universal author- 
ity, and the good offices of peaceful diplomacy are, 
as a rule, regarded with favor and approval through- 
out the civilized world. 

But in our review of present international relations 
our attention is quite naturally directed to the grow- 
ing principle of national expansion as now prevalent 
with the leading powers of civilization. . The transi- 
tion of the political world from the once prevailing 
principle of nationalism to that of imperialism, or 
national expansion, is remarkable and significant. 
Both principles are important factors of civilization. 
Nationalism was the predominating influence which 
developed the leading civil powers of the nineteenth 
century into strong national States; and national 
expansion will doubtless be the sweeping political prin- 
ciple of the twentieth century for the spread of Chris- 
tian civilization throughout the world. Expansion 

132 God and GovERNiMENT 

is a natural consequence of nationalism. The na- 
tions, having passed through their historic evolution, 
have developed into great sovereign powers competing 
with each other for supremacy. Expansion in pop- 
ulation and resources necessitates expansion in terri- 
tory and generates the endeavor to extend control 
over as large a portion of the world as power and 
opportunity will permit. 

National expansion, though not altogether a mod- 
ern political principle, has become of paramoimt 
importance mainly within the last decades. As late 
as the middle period of the nineteenth century there 
was still, among European nations, much indifference 
toward colonial possessions. But later on, England's 
example, of looking beyond the sea for an extension 
of territory and for a reinforcement of national powers 
and resources, aroused the envy of the other conti- 
nental powers and eventually started a general inter- 
national competition for the yet unoccupied portions 
of the world, with an eye directed, in later times, 
especially toward the vast and wealthy realm of 
China, which because of its apparent inefficiency as 
a civil power threatens to become a prey to foreign 

Remarkable, indeed, is the manner in which the 
United States, involved by unforeseen complications 
of war, was drawn into a change of our traditional 

International Fraternalism 133 

foreign policy and placed unexpectedly in the center 
of oriental politics, thus incurring far-reaching na- 
tional obligations relative to the foreign territorial 
encroachments upon various portions of the Celestial 

In this new and responsible attitude of our Re- 
public toward foreign affairs the American people 
must not suffer themselves to be misled by a false 
and sentimental enthusiasm, under the plea of " pa- 
triotism" and " the flag," but should seek to recognize 
and guard against the threatening dangers of national 

Political phariseeism, daring the informal seizure 
of territorial and other national possessions under 
hypocritical pretexts, should be condemned at home 
and abroad. While a vigorous and respectable for- 
eign policy must be maintained, we cannot afford 
to allow the national rivalries in foreign relations to 
so consume all our energies that we shall be compelled 
to neglect home interests or domestic reforms; nor 
should we sacrifice principle and adopt the un-Chris- 
tian methods of foreign competing powers and thus 
become untrue to our real social and political mission 
as a great Christian Republic. 

In view of our present international relations, 
into which we seem to have been providentially called, 
it is vain twaddle to deny or discuss the propriety of 

134 God and Government 

national expansion on Christian principles. We are, 
once for all, in the arena of international competition 
as one of the five great sovereign powers of the world, 
and om- position is irrevocable. We have no time to 
lose for argument over "what might have been," 
nor for pessimistic deliberations over the great harm 
that has been done to the noble cause of Christen- 
dom by the grasping greed and bloody strife of 
other nations in foreign lands, but we must seek to 
apply ourselves worthily to the work to which we 
have been called, and endeavor, in the fear of God, to 
imbue ourselves with becoming Christian motives for 
the important part w^e are to play in the great in- 
ternational drama for the advancement of Christian 
civilization among the nations of the world. 

Neither the glory of conquest nor the absurd ideal 
of a great world-republic, nor the grasping greed for 
greater material resources, but the amelioration of 
existing antagonistic relations between the civil pow- 
ers, and the promotion of the principle of interna- 
tional fraternalism among all nations, should be our 
ruling motive in our national attitude toward the 
now prevailing issue of territorial expansion as ad- 
vocated and practiced by the leading nations of 
the world. 

In our day and age of great missionary enterprises 
spreading Christianity among all people in all lands, 

International Fraternalism 135 

permeating heathen institutions and promising an 
abundant harvest of Gospel transformations by the 
peaceful agencies of Christian virtue and revealed 
religion, commercial greed and political ambition, 
spurred with the fury of gory conquest, should not be 
allowed to threaten destruction to the noble achieve- 
ments, which the faithful messengers of Christ have 
accomplished by centuries of self-denying service. 
In behalf of the great cause of Christendom all Chris- 
tian nations should observe a peaceful policy toward 
each other and especially toward heathen lands. 

Though it is true, as Dr. Parkhurst has well said, 
that God can overrule all things to his own glory, and 
to the spread of the Gospel, even the denials of Peter 
and the betrayal of Judas Iscariot, yet this should 
not by any means encourage ''the wrath of man" 
because "God can make the wrath of man to praise 
him." Whatever there may be of truth in the senti- 
ment which regards the pagan nations of the world 
as " the threshing floor where God is using the armies 
of civilization to tread out the wheat that will be 
used for seeding to bring forth a harvest of righteous- 
ness and contentment and prosperity in the dark 
places of the earth," yet it must be conceded that 
this Mohammedan way of spreading religion by the 
sword of conquest and by political power is abso- 
lutely incompatible with the teachings of Jesus 

136 God and Government 

of Nazareth and positively unworthy of Christian 

The founder of Christianity was characterized by 
inspired prophecy, as the "Prince of Peace," whose 
Gospel dispensation should bring an era when men 
"shall beat their swords into plowshares and their 
spears into pruning hooks ; and when nation shall not 
lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn 
war any more." And when in the fullness of time 
the promised "Prince of Peace" was born into the 
world the plains of Bethlehem resounded with the 
immortal anthem of the heavenly host: "Glory to 
God in the highest, on earth peace, good will to 
men." The Saviour incarnate among men was a 
messenger of peace on earth. His ministry was in- 
spired by the purest motives of love and good will 
to all, he labored by both precept and example to 
proclaim and perpetuate the Fatherhood of God and 
the brotherhood of man, and one of his final bene- 
dictions upon his followers was: "Peace I leave you, 
my peace I give unto you." 

To be true to its fundamental principles, to be 
loyal to its founder, and to accomplish its mission of 
Gospel dispensations preparatory to our Lord's final 
coming and reign in millennial sovereignty, Christian- 
ity must be the advocate and guardian angel of 
peace and fraternalism among all nations. That the 

International Fraternalism 137 

nations bearing the emblem of the cross have not 
always adhered to the pacific principles of the Sav- 
iour, and that the history of Christian civilization is 
largely a record of gory conquest is unfortunate and 

The trend of civilization toward peace and inter- 
national fraternalism is, however, gratifying and en- 
couraging. Though wars still exist, yet it is the 
common desire among men that peace might prevail. 
Indeed, the conviction that the clash of arms between 
nations is wrong and unnecessary lies so deep in the 
common consciousness of our day that it is needless 
to recount the fearful cost, to emphasize the miseries, 
or to condemn the barbarities and cruelties of war. 
Public sentiment in all civilization demands that 
wars shall cease. 

Arbitration, which has already averted many armed 
conflicts, is rapidly growing in favor as a method of 
settling international disputes, and the twentieth cen- 
tury bodes well to become a period of association, of 
union, and fraternalism among nations. The Peace 
Conference at The Hague, the most notable event in 
the history of international arbitration, is a great step 
toward the abolishment of war and the final estab- 
lishment of amicable relations between the sovereign 
powers of the world. The historic details of that con- 
ference, though not to be discussed here, merit the 

138 God and Government 

most careful and universal study. Wise Christian 
statesmanship has doubtless gained an important 
triumph over the prestige of war by the organiza- 
tion of arbitration and by the establishment of a 
permanent international tribunal. 

Hitherto arbitration in national affairs has been 
greatly discouraged by the time and patience re- 
quired for the selection of the court, the designation 
of the place of meeting, the specification of the rules 
and regulations of procedure, and the arrangements 
of numerous minor details before a final decision in 
pending national differences could be reached. Now, 
however, the establishment of a permanent court of 
international justice, through which diplomatic dif- 
ferences can be easily, speedily, and fairly settled, 
creates a powerful and almost an irresistible incen- 
tive to the use of peaceful arbitration, in preference 
to war, for the adjustment of difficulties between con- 
tentious civil powers. This method of adjustment in 
national affairs is so humane, reasonable, and practi- 
cal that it can hardly fail to meet universal approval, 
and it will doubtless accomplish more to avert war in 
future national history than all other agencies com- 
bined now operating toward the establishment of a 
universal peace among the sovereignties of the world. 

Our zeal for arbitration, however, must not mislead 
us to suppose that the international court at The 

International Fraternalism 139 

Hague will, in spite of a yet unconquered Devil of 
strife still at large in the world, be able to legislate 
humanity into the glorious millennium of universal 
peace at once and without fail. The fact that, before 
the echoes of the high debate at the great Peace Con- 
ference had fairly died away, wars originated in the 
Philippines and in South Africa and in China reminds 
us very forcibly that there are some issues of civili- 
zation that cannot be arbitrated, but must be settled 
by force. Says Baron de Constant, one of the 
strongest advocates for arbitration at the Peace Con- 
ference, " No one at The Hague flattered himself that 
disorders, strikes, riots, nationalist, or other upris- 
ings could be prevented in any civil country, much 
less in China. Every day we see newspapers in Lon- 
don, Paris, New York, Berlin, and Rome preaching 
war upon foreigners. Too often these agitations are 
followed by attacks upon individuals and property." 
In the tumult of such disorders, when they occur, 
as they do, by riotous and anarchistic mobs, mad- 
dened with diabolic hatred and inflamed with hellish 
designs of destruction and ruin, there can be no 
thought of arbitration, since arbitration can only be 
a method of compromise to prevent war between 
civil and law-abiding corporations or powers that 
have reasonable issues to settle and are willing to 
adjust their differences on peaceful terms. 

140 God and Government 

Arbitration, for instance, in such atrocities as the 
Armenian and Chinese massacres would be ridicu- 
lous and futile. In such diabolic uprisings for whole- 
sale murder it behooves the national " powers that 
be," as institutions "ordained of God'' for the main- 
tenance of law and order and for the protection of life 
and liberty, to remember that " they do not bear the 
sword in vain" and to extend the strong arm of pro- 
tection to those " who are persecuted for righteous- 
ness' sake." While Christian nations should never 
forget that their Eternal Sovereign is the "Prince of 
Peace" and should, in view of this fact, always seek 
to avoid an attitude of hostility toward each other 
and especially toward non-Christian lands, and while 
there should be no thought of "extending the Gos- 
pel with the power of the sword," or of "guarding 
the cross with Krupp guns," yet it must ever be 
remembered that national responsibility cannot be 
shirked and God-given national prestige, in principles 
of honor or justice, cannot be sacrificed without sin 
against God and humanity. 

When people are being ruthlessly oppressed and 
murdered, as they were by the violent and blood- 
thirsty mobs in Armenia and China, the nearest nation 
that can come to the martyrs' rescue is their natural 
and responsible protector. That the disgraceful sin 
of noninterference, committed by the European pow- 

International Fraternalism 141 

ers in the first instance, was not repeated by the 
United States and other nations in the second in- 
stance, is a pleasing record of modern history; and it 
is well that the danger of such anti-Christian up- 
heavals, as probable obstructions to the future prog- 
ress of Christian civilization in Mohammedan and 
pagan lands, has been recognized by a cooperative 
union of the principal Christian States of the world in 
defense of their rights and interests in foreign non- 
Christian lands. In the unforeseen and peculiar origin 
of this international alliance, the mere idea of which 
only a short time ago would have seemed chimer- 
ical, but which has now by force of events, become 
a reality, it is not difficult for the eye of Christian 
faith to perceive the guidance of a superintending 
Providence of God in national destiny. 

May the newborn union between the Christian 
nations become universal and permanent as an 
alliance of the powers against barbarism and as a 
shield of civil and religious liberty in all the world; 
and may the perceivable indications of Providence 
lead all nations to comprehend their becoming rela- 
tion to peace and war in the civilization of the 
twentieth century. 

While complete disarmament of the civil powers 
would yet be premature, and while it is apparent 
that war will still have a place in the civilization of 

142 God and Government 

the immediate future, let us hope that it will have a 
much narrower place than it has had in the history 
of preceding centuries. Wherever peace can be 
maintained without the sacrifice of principles more 
precious than blood and without the tolerance of 
anarchistic and barbarous disorders that would meet 
the displeasure of the God of all government and 
threaten ruin to Christian civilization — yea, wherever 
diplomatic differences can be settled by just and am- 
icable arbitration — there let peace be the motto and 
the aim of all Christian nations. 

But if, by the prestige of diabolic powers beyond 
control, wars prove inevitable, let them, as Dr. Ham- 
lin suggests, occur for fewer and more reasonable 
causes, let them be prosecuted more humanely and 
terminate more speedily into more lasting peace, by 
replacing a lower by a higher civilization, and by 
supplanting the martial spirit by the not less brave 
but more gentle spirit of the "Prince of Peace." 
This, it seems, should be the endeavor and the suc- 
cessful accomplishment of the international frater- 
nalism of Christian nations in the future history of 
the world. 



America for Freedom! 

That was the old-time cry; 
The word for which our fatners stood 

To battle and to die. 
From throned oppression fleeing, 

They felt the galling chain 
A tyrant held within his hand, 

To pluck them back again. 

The word with which they started 

The globe has girdled round, 
Across its seas and deserts 

The wild man knows its sound; 
And something of the story 

That lifts our hearts to-day, 
How one heroic handful barred 

The old -v^Tong from its way. 

When ours it was to struggle. 

All good men wished us well; 
To them our crowned conquest 

A prophecy did tell: 
" That beauteous land doth promise 

Joy to the troubled earth, 
With welcome wide and peaceful 

For all of human worth." 

O friends, we owe this promise 

To all the world to-day: 
The children of the fathers 

Who for our weal did pray; 
The tawny-hued Mongolian, 

The dusky slave of Ind, 
Have had of us an earnest 

God's hostel here to find. 

Woe worth the day we conquered 

If we this pledge forsake, 
For greed or wild ambition 

A devious record make! 
Against the world's injustice 

Rings still our battle cry, 
America for Freedom ! 

By this we live or die. — Julia Ward Howe. 


" God hath made of one blood all nations of men for to dwell 
on all the face of the earth." — Acts 17. 26. 

DOUBTLESS the most serious and complicated 
questions confronting the American people are 
the race problems. Our types of racial inheritance 
from other lands are varied and many-colored like 
the ever-changing figures in a kaleidoscope. While, by 
the subtle action of climatic and social influence, our 
racial mixture has, in some localities, gradually melted 
into a comprehensive and fixed assimilation of Ameri- 
can character, yet in other sections amalgamation has 
been much retarded by a continuous infusion of new 
blood from mixed types through the channels of for- 
eign immigration, and thence racial differences are 
marked and well preserved. 

The advantages of Anglo-Saxon predominance in 
our racial evolution may be recognized with a 
becoming national pride; but the danger and ruin 
that may come from Anglo-Saxon arrogance, which 
stigmatizes other races as inferior and which can see 
no equality and few rights among the Freedmen of 
10 145 

146 God and Government 

the South or among the people of Cuba, Hawaii, 
Porto Rico, or the Phihppines, should be guarded 
against and counteracted by a broad and cosmopolitan 
spirit, which discards race prejudice, which recognizes 
the good in all races, and honors the equal rights of 
all people. 

Though some races have more genius, more bril- 
liancy of intellect, and more moral sensibility than 
others, yet the moral betterment and the intellectual 
elevation of all races bases itself, not on their collective 
ability as a whole, but upon the base-rock of their 
individuality. Races are not collective entities, but 
individual personalities that can be reformed, civi- 
lized, educated, and Christianized only by an indi- 
vidual process and on personal principles. It is 
wrong and unjust in any case to degrade men in our 
estimation as subject to fixed racial laws which must 
inevitably doom them to foreordained and hopeless 
inferiority; but, remembering ^Hhat God has made 
of one blood all nations of men to dwell on all the 
face of the earth," we must regard all people as 
human beings of equal rights, and honor men as men, 
individually, according to their personal merits, irre- 
spective of color, race, or nationality. Christian mag- 
nanimity certainly has grand opportunities for the 
promulgation of great and far-reaching reforms by 
the wise, impartial, and humane solution of the mo- 

Race Problems 147 

mentous race problems among the mixed and multi- 
form population of the great American Republic. 

Our Foreign Population 
Foreign immigration, which has contributed so 
much toward our national growth, still brings thou- 
sands of people annually from all parts of the world 
into our country. Hitherto the Anglo-Saxon was so 
largely the predominant element of the inpouring flood 
of immigration that assimilation was quick and easy. 
The main body of the people being of English descent, 
Puritanism gave its spirit of simplicity and religion 
to our racial amalgamation, and the love of liberty, 
intelligence, and progress characterized our national 
origin and development. But later on, and especially 
in recent years, a radical change has set in, and other 
races have been coming into our country; so that 
aside from the English, also the Germans, the French, 
the Irish, the Italians, the Poles, the Swedes, the 
Danes, and Bohemians now constitute a large pro- 
portion of our population. But a change of races 
implies also a change in our institutions, in our politics, 
in our intelligence, in our religion, and in our customs 
far-reaching and, in many instances, dangerous to our 
national welfare and progress. 

Now we may regret these changes and their accom- 
panying dangers, as occasioned by the continuous 

148 God and Government 

influx of undesirable racial elements, but we can 
neither alter the force of circumstances beyond our 
control nor blame our newcomers for seeking to 
better their condition by coming to our country. 
The fact, however, that some restriction upon the 
coming of foreigners is desirable and necessary as 
a safeguard to the integrity of our institutions and 
the welfare of our posterity has been recognized by 
our legislation on immigration and nationalization in 
recent years. But such legislation, to be compatible 
with the American spirit of liberty and good will to 
all nations, must always be free from all odious dis- 
criminations against nationalities or classes. What- 
ever of restriction or limitation is imposed on the 
Chinese ought to apply equally to all others, whose 
coming is not desirable. There are classes of Euro- 
peans whose immigration to our country is just as 
detrimental to our social, our industrial, and our re- 
ligious interests as the influx of the Mongolian races 
from Asiatic lands; and the Christian statesmanship 
of America ought to be sufficient to maintain our 
cherished doctrine of equal rights and to meet all 
future necessities of restriction upon foreign immigra- 
tion or naturalization by enacting laws that shall be 
honorable to ourselves and satisfactory to all nation- 
alities, because they do not discriminate against races 
or classes, but apply to individuals on equal conditions. 

Race Problems 149 

But what is to be done with the yet un-Christianized 
and un- Americanized foreigners who are already here 
and here to stay? Many of them are ignorant, poor, 
immoral, disorderly, and but half civilized. Some 
of them, coming from countries where they have had 
few or no advantages of a Christian civilization and 
where they have been hardly dealt with, have be- 
come narrow and prejudiced in their opinions, and 
are full of hatred and bitterness against all civil and 
religious institutions. These, of course, are danger- 
ous classes, and we can never hope to reform or 
benefit these poor benighted and misguided people 
by denouncing or suppressing them, or by allowing 
them to override our institutions of law and order. 
For the ignorance, intemperance, and barbarism of 
foreigners, as well as of vicious Americans, there is 
but one remedy, and that remedy is the Word of God 
in the Gospel of Christ. 

In the great work of reforming and Christianizing 
our foreign population. Christian citizens, irrespec- 
tive of religious creed or party affiliations, must co- 
operate in earnest personal endeavor, vigorously and 
successfully, to counteract the constant agitation of 
nihilists, atheists, and infidels who antagonize all 
religion, denounce the Scriptures, and seek to sub- 
vert all faith in divine and holy things. False ap- 
prehensions must be removed by Christian teaching; 

150 God and Government 

the people must be enlightened and persuaded to 
turn from evil and to accept, by faith and personal 
consecration to God, the Gospel of our coming Lord. 
Much has already been accomplished. Many have 
been won over to nobler opinions and better lives 
by kindness, love, and Christian teaching. Much 
more remains to be done. Let all Christians realize 
their duty toward their neighbors and their coun- 
try's God and then do with all their might what 
their hands find to do, and the result will go very far 
toward solving the great problem of the foreign 
element in America. 

Our New Races 
The result of the Spanish-American War has im- 
posed upon us a new national phase of the race 
problem. Ten millions more of the darker races 
have been added to the care of the United States, 
and our assumed responsibility of government for 
the people in our newly acquired territory places us 
before the nations of the earth with the obligation of 
defending our national honor by demonstrating to all 
the world that in our war with Spain we were actuated 
by humane motives, and fought to relieve and liberate 
the oppressed people who have now become a part of 
our national heritage in order to enjoy with us the 
securities and benefits of American sovereignty. 

Race Problems 151 

Broad-minded, unselfish, and cosmopolitan states- 
manship will be in demand to render us equal to the 
obligations imposed upon us as a nation. The loyal 
millions of the inhabitants of the conquered islands, 
recognizing American sovereignty, must be protected 
both against the invasion of foreign imperialism and 
the outrages of lawless elements disturbing the peace 
of the people and defying the authority of law and 
order. Our sense of liberty and justice, as already 
manifested in our enforced policy for the establish- 
ment of a free and independent government in Cuba, 
must reassert itself and go with us into our new pos- 
sessions in the islands of the seas. Our aim must 
be to civilize and Christianize the people who have 
come under our national care, and by God's help 
eventually to make them competent for self-govern- 
ment in the same way that our people at home are 
qualified for Christian sovereignty and citizenship. 
Ours being a "government of the people, by the 
people, and for the people," the right of self-govern- 
ment, as hitherto recognized in our Territories, must 
also be respected in the islands, and the privilege of 
Statehood in our Union, or separate independence 
under American protection, should be granted as 
soon as the people in question can be safely trusted 
to govern themselves. Our Territorial government, 
as now extended over lands under tropic suns in dig* 

152 God and Government 

tant seas, must be free from pecuniary greed, polit- 
ical ambition, or moral degradation, and our methods 
of reconstruction and pacification, as applied through 
our administration of sovereignty, should demon- 
strate to the world that the American people are 
fully equal to the civil and racial problems confront- 
ing them. 

Public schools, free, unsectarian, and sufficient for 
the education of the people, should be established 
and supported out of the revenues of the islands, 
and American institutions should be generally intro- 
duced to enhance Christian civilization and material 

A great work and a long task confronts us in the 
problem of successfully evangelizing and Ameri- 
canizing the people of our new territory in the 
West India and Philippine Islands. The accom- 
plishment of great civil and religious reforms and 
the uplifting of abused and degenerated races are 
difficult and require great effort. Sacrifice is the 
price of success in great undertakings, and progress 
is usually hampered by opposition. Time, patience^ 
and persevering endeavor have thus far been 
necessary in every advancement of our Republic, 
and the forward movement among our new races 
will doubtless be subject to the same conditions 
and requirements. Indeed, it would be presump- 

Race Problems 153 

tuous to suppose that the people of the islands of 
those tropic seas should at once throw off the evil 
habits and usages that have been formed and hard- 
ened by centuries of Spanish misrule. At least three 
fourths of the people of Cuba, Porto Rico, and 
the Philippine Islands can neither read nor write, 
many of them are scarcely half civilized, they know 
practically nothing of God, of home rule, or honest 
government; and we must not be discouraged, even 
though it may require several decades of persistent 
and earnest work on our part, to discharge our national 
duty in this our new field of labor for God and 
humanity. Nor should our solution of the mighty 
problem of civilization resting upon us be further 
complicated by the mistaken and unworthy doctrine 
that "we shall lose our own liberties by securing the 
enduring foundations of liberty to others." As the 
immortal William McKinley, in his second inaugural 
address, wisely said: "Our institutions will not de- 
teriorate by extension and our sense of justice will 
not abate under tropic suns in distant seas. As 
heretofore, so hereafter will the nation demon- 
strate its fitness to administer any new estate 
which events devolve upon it, and in the fear of 
God will take occasion by the hand and make the 
bounds of freedom wider yet," 

154 God and Government 

The American Indian 

" The only good Indian is a dead Indian!" This 
proverbial saying of Indian haters is replete with ani- 
mosity, misrepresentation, and fatalism. Prejudiced 
observers of Indian life, reviewing the sad history of 
savagery and degeneracy among the Apaches, the 
Comanches, the Chippewas, the Delawares, the 
Shawnees, and indeed among Indian tribes generally, 
have been erroneously led to suppose that Indians 
were hopelessly bad and were never providentially 
designed to live civilized lives, but that by the 
pressure of civilization this entire race, in all its 
branches, is destined to disappear and pass away 
entirely within the next few generations. 

To the more humane element of those who believe 
in the eventual extinction of the red man there has 
never appeared to be any other course left open to 
the American people, in the solution of this phase of 
our race problem, than to keep the Indians within 
the territorial limits of their reservations, and by 
government aid to supply their animal wants imtil 
these poor creatures shall cease to exist. Others, 
however, repudiate this conception of Indian affairs 
and entertain a more reasonable and hopeful idea of 
the red man and his future. Depravity is evidently 
a sad, threatening reproach among red men, but it 
is also a reproach among white men. Indeed, much 

Race Problems 155 

of the degradation and savagery among the Indians is 
the fruit of the wickedness and debauchery of the 
white men, who by the profligacy of frontier hfe, the 
fraudulency of perverted government agencies, and 
the abusiveness of mihtary forces have been the 
prohfic causes of the moral degradation and phys- 
ical degeneracy of the American Indian. Christian 
evidences demonstrate that for the common evil 
of sin there is but one common remedy, and this, 
irrespective of races or nationalities. And blessed 
be God for the universal efficiency of the remedy 
wherever applied. The same Gospel of redemption 
which converts Caucasian sinners into good white 
men also converts American savages into good In- 
dians; and this marvel of salvation is accomplished 
not by eulogies of the dead, but by the virtues of 
the living — Indians as well as white men — who stand 
monumental to the powers of saving grace in 
Christ Jesus. Thus in the light of Gospel dispensa- 
tions, aside from ethnological principles, the Chris- 
tian mind observes that the Indian is not a mere 
animal doomed to extinction, but that he is a human 
being, a living soul, having a mission and a future 
in this world and in the world to come. 

Over a quarter of a million of our population are 
Indians, and we find their scattered tribes in Maine, 
New York, North Carolina, Michigan, Minnesota, 

156 God and Government 

Iowa, Montana, Kansas, Nebraska, Oregon, Washing- 
ton, North and South Dakota, Colorado, Idaho, 
Arizona, Nevada, New Mexico, Utah, Wisconsin, 
Wyoming, CaUfornia, Florida, Texas, and the Indian 

Realizing that our original government policy of 
paternalism, treating with the various tribes as inde- 
pendent sovereignties, granting them reservations 
and annuities under fixed regulations, has never been 
satisfactory, inasmuch as such provisions encouraged 
indolence, dependence, and profligacy, besides 
impeding the moral betterment, the civilization, 
and progress of the red race; and perceiving that 
our primitive methods of adjusting and regulating 
Indian affairs is no longer expedient, there now 
appears to be but one solution of our Indian prob- 
lem, and that is to break up by amicable methods 
the tribal relations, gradually to withdraw govern- 
ment support, and to put the red man upon the same 
basis of legal protection and self-support as the 
white man, besides extending to him, under proper 
conditions, the same privileges of citizenship. 

With this end in view the Indians must be civilized, 
educated, and guided so that they may, as speedily 
as possible, become an intelligent, industrious, and 
self-supporting people, able and willing to obtain 
their means of subsistence by their own industry, 

Race Problems 157 

ready to assume the responsibilities and privileges of 
citizenship, and eventually to be merged into the 
general body of the people of our Repubhc. 

Some progress in this direction has been made, 
and the outlook for the future is promising of ulti- 
mate success. The most, however, in the great work 
of Indian reform remains yet to be done. Until the 
Indians shall have become civilized and no longer 
require special guardianship they should still remain 
under the direct control of the national government. 
Intrusions by pilfering agents, liquor dealers, and 
swmdlers should be prohibited. Habits of indolence 
should be counteracted and discarded, labor as an 
equivalent for support received should be strictly 
required, and instruction in manual as well as intel- 
lectual traming should be liberally imparted. A uni- 
form system of licensing and recording of marriages 
should be introduced and enforced, and at each Indian 
agency a permanent register of marriages, births, and 
deaths should be kept for convenience and justice in 
supervision of allotments. Public schools should be 
established in all reservations, and a law should be 
instituted compelling the attendance at school of all 
Indian youth of school age. Asylums should be 
established and maintained by the government for 
the insane; the poor, the orphans, and the blind of 
the various tribes. The forming of private corpora- 

158 God and Government 

tions, and the issue of bonds by incorporated towns 
for the maintenance of water works, sewerage, and 
pubHc institutions in the Indian Territory should be 
authorized by laws of our Congress. While the gov- 
ernment thus does its work among the Indians, let the 
evangelical Churches, the Christian philanthropists, 
the benevolent societies, such, for instance, as the 
Indian Rights Association and other charitable and 
missionary organizations of the land, fall in line and, 
recognizing their great opportunities and responsibil- 
ities in this home field of labor, lay hold of God's 
noble work in the redemption and civilization of 
the American Indian. 

The Negro Problem 

The fact that there is a Negro problem in the 
United States is not wholly to our credit as a Chris- 
tian nation advocating equal rights and liberties to 
our people. In time, as our civilization advances in 
the universal extension of our constitutional rights 
and privileges, irrespective of races or nationalities, 
this problem will be fully and finally solved, and then 
the Negro question will no longer be, as it now is, a 
living and a burning issue in our national politics. 
Regardless of admitted Caucasian superiority, and 
despite the bitter prejudice against the much hated 
doctrine of Negro equality, it must be conceded that 

Race Problems 159 

with God, who is no respecter of races or persons, 
color is not regarded as a badge of inferiority, but 
industry, inteUigence, and virtue are the divinely rec- 
ognized standards of merit; and equality of rights 
and privileges of education, of franchise, of business 
opportunity, and of complete citizenship for both 
white and colored races is the only true solution of 
this and all phases of our race problems. 

How to accomplish this ideal solution of our race 
problems is a vital question that touches not only 
the interests of our colored people, but which also 
indirectly involves the welfare of our whole country. 
When, in consideration of the disfranchisements, the 
lynchings, the stockade horrors, and the general dis- 
orders among the Freedmen of our Southern States, 
we are painfully reminded how far we still are from 
a solution of the Negro question, and are thus fore- 
warned of the black terror threatening us, then it 
seems awful to contemplate the fate of our Republic 
in the event of failure to meet properly our irre- 
trievable responsibilities toward the colored people 
within our borders. Our national penalty suffered 
for the sins of slavery should forewarn us of the pos- 
sible retribution of this issue, which, indeed, seems 
difficult to solve and is of sufficient complication and 
magnitude to tax our resources of philanthropy and 
statesmanship to the utmost. 

160 God and Government 

The Negro problem assumes greater proportions 
and doubtless engages in a severer way the thought 
of the country now than it ever did at any time in 
our history since the stormy days of the abolition 
movement. Although the result of our civil war 
gave the Negro his liberty, yet even that awful and 
bloody conflict could not completely settle our colored 
race problem. The Negro himself realizes that by his 
emancipation he has only been thrown into the great 
struggle of the race course to battle for his place 
among the races of mankind, and to strive with earnest 
endeavor to reach the final goal for which the races 
and nations of the world contend. The blunders and 
wrongs of political demagogues in the history of the for- 
mation period of the Negro question have aggravated 
the solution of our colored race problem, and we are 
now in the earnest of the conflict, in the transition 
period, where danger threatens, where wise leadership 
must be our guide, and where the best moral, intel- 
lectual, and spiritual forces nmst be vigorously applied 
to properly meet our obligations and responsibilities 
toward the claims of God, the demands of our black 
population, and the necessities of our own national 

Frederick Douglass in his day deplored the practical 
defeat of Negro emancipation, and without pessimis- 
tically augmenting the woes of the black man in our 

Race Problems 161 

time it may be truly said that the Negro's path- 
way has been rough and trying, his history in our 
national record is largely a sad story of enslavement, 
suppression, disfranchisement, and persecution. Ram- 
pant Negro hatred declaring the Negro must remain 
subordinate, that he must be abused, reenslaved,* or 
driven out of the country breeds violence and disorder 
so common in localities where our colored population 
is strong. 

Common sense, however, reminds us that Negro 
suppression and subordination cannot thus go on 
unabated and indefinitely. As Negro ignorance, stu- 
pidity, dependence, and submissiveness pass away by 
the enlightening and elevating powers of Christian 
education, moral progress, and practical civilization, 
his latent manhood will assert itself, his ambition will 
rise higher, his dignity will declare that superiority 
and inferiority are not racial but individual char- 
acteristics, and his hot African blood will repudiate 
and resent with vehemence every dictum affirming his 
subordination and inferiority before other races. Then 
the sphere of action will be changed from the harm- 

* Negro reenslavement, as predicted by the late Robert Toombs 
in an interview in the Atlanta Constitution nearly twenty years ago, 
is to-day boldly asserted and actually carried out by the infamous 
peonage system in different sections of the South; a system which is 
in some respects even more disgraceful than lynching, because it is 
created and protected by law. 

162 God and Government 

less, inoffensive, thoughtless, unobtrusive Negro sub- 
missiveness of to-day into an attitude of open con- 
tempt for Caucasian arrogance, and of violent defense, 
if necessary, in behalf of the constitutional rights 
and liberties of the American Freedman. 

Thus the gravity of the Negro problem threatens 
an inevitable crisis to the American people, and it 
would be folly indeed to suppose that the crisis could 
be averted by Negro suppression or subjugation. The 
divine Providence which by force of events wrought 
the Negro's emancipation has evidently also decreed 
his progress as an important element in the future 
history of our Republic. That the progress of the 
American Negro, during the first period succeeding his 
emancipation, has been slow and difficult is true and 
quite natural; but the fact remains unquestionable 
that in spite of the various hostile forces and causes, 
which for a third of a century have conspired and mili- 
tated against Negro progress in America, the black 
race, favored by an uplifting Providence, human and 
divine, has been continually rising, and is to-day more 
than ever a progressive element of our population. 

The statistics of progress among our colored people 
from the lowest stratum of ignorance, superstition, 
and poverty to their present stage of advancement 
indicate very plainly that their emancipation was 
not a failure, but was the beginning of a brighter 

Race Problems 163 

and more prosperous day and age of the African 
race in America. Forty years ago the Negroes of the 
United States were as penniless as paupers; to-day 
their real estate and personal property is valued at 
$700,000,000. Only a third of a century ago our 
colored people had no land and no homes; to-day 
they own 150,000 farms and 175,000 homes. 

On the day of their emancipation only a very 
small portion of the Negroes of the South could read 
Lincoln's proclamation of freedom, to-day 45 per 
cent can read and write. The rising generation of 
the Negro race bodes well for intelligence. There are 
1,500,000 colored pupils in the public schools, 45,000 
students in higher institutions, and 35,000 teachers 
in educational work. 

With such a showing it is easy to see that the con- 
dition of the colored people in this country is all 
that could be expected under the circumstances, and 
considering the time they have had for the progress 
made, and knowing that they are doing their share 
toward producing the wealth of the nation, it is, to 
say the least, idle and impractical to entertain for a 
moment, the idea of solving our Negro problem either 
by continued subjugation of the race, as hitherto in 
vogue in some parts of the Union, or by exportation 
of the Negroes to Africa, Cuba, or the Philippines, 
as has been proposed. 

164 God and Government 

Realizing that the Negro is an important and a 
permanent element of our population, and perceiving 
that, after all that has been accomplished, the 
great work of lifting up our Negro population, now 
ten millions strong, has in fact only been begun, 
while the vast field of labor in this part of our 
Lord's vineyard still lies unexplored before us, it be- 
hooves us, as Christian people and American patriots, 
to seek properly to apply ourselves and to act well 
our part in the final solution of our Negro problem. 
Our disposition of this question should be based on 
Christian principles. America, equal to her mission 
for God and humanity, should demonstrate to coming 
ages the practicability of interracial unity and equal- 
ity, thus creating a new and as yet undiscovered page 
in the history of the world. 

Race prejudice, sectionalism, and partisanship 
should have no voice in our solution of the Negro 
problem. The animosities of the civil war and the 
"reconstruction period" should be forgotten. North 
and South should not judge too harshly of each other, 
but remember that both have sinned and consider that 
racial differences have always and everywhere been 
difficult of solution. The historic unity of the whole 
country against a common foe during the late Spanish- 
American War should reassert itself in the settlement 
of this momentous question. Press, platform, and 

Race Problems 165 

pulpit should not be abused to foster political par- 
tisanism and racial prejudice, but should unite to 
mold public opinion and popular sentiment accord- 
ing to the best interests of the common welfare, 
irrespective of nationality. Differences of opinion 
should not necessitate a division of the people on this 
issue, since all have a common interest in the solution 
of this and all national problems. The colored peo- 
ple of the land should not widen the breach by bitter 
denunciations, but seek by amicable and pacifying 
methods of procedure to win public favor for their 
race, and to aid materially and substantially in the 
final disposal of this issue so vital and far-reaching 
in their own behalf. Surely all sections of the Amer- 
ican people should be too great to be small, too 
magnanimous to be oppressive, too just to perpe- 
trate wrong upon an unfortunate race, but seek, in 
the fear of God, to make honorable restitution for the 
sins of human slavery by now and forever making the 
most of the blood-bought liberty of the American 

The Jewish Question 

Jewish ascendency and the consequent anti-Semitic 
movement, forming in recent years an exciting fea- 
ture of social affairs in some countries of Europe, has 
occasionally assumed some importance in the United 
States. Out of the entire Jewish population of the 

166 God and Government 

world, variously estimated at from eight to eleven 
millions, our country's portion would not much ex- 
ceed one and a half million. Though not numerically 
strong, the Jews are recognized as God's chosen peo- 
ple, whose wonderful history, occupying two thirds of 
the Bible, is an authenticated story of ancient proph- 
ecies fulfilled, of divine powers manifested, and of 
heavenly Providences revealed — a remarkable race, 
which is the marvel of nations and the standing mir- 
acle of ages. 

The chaplain of Frederick William of Prussia, being 
requested by his sovereign to furnish in a single sen- 
tence a proof of Christianity, replied: "The Jews, 
your majesty." Well said, indeed! The Jews as 
God's elect people were heaven's torch-bearers of 
divine truth for the enlightenment of the world. In 
their golden age these people, though not strong in 
numbers, were strong in the Lord and the might of 
his power, a great and glorious kingdom of com- 
manding importance and influence among the nations 
of the ancient world. And though the day of apos- 
tasy and sad retrocession came in Israel, so that for 
a time God's light of revelation burned very low, 
though the Jewish commonwealth has long since 
passed away, and the sons and daughters of Abra- 
ham have been scattered to the four winds of the 
earth, yet God, in his gracious and marvelous Provi- 

Race Problems 167 

dence, has maintained these people, and they are 
to-day a living evidence of God's truth, not only as 
manifested in the teachings of Moses and the proph- 
ets, but also as incorporated in the precepts and prin- 
ciples of the Gospel of Christ, the King of the Jews. 
Says Ossian Davis: "In one long stream the Jewish 
race flowed down through the Egyptians, the Assyri- 
ans, the Persians, and the Spaniards, without getting 
lost in those races. How wonderful their vitality and 
their preservation. The mixed and persecuting races 
are disappearing and the persecuted race remains. 
The Jew of this century is as much a Jew as old 
Abraham was. Faces graven on a slab lately ex- 
humed from Nineveh closely resemble the faces we 
meet with in London to-day." To the skeptical mind 
there is no solution of this riddle of racial vitality; 
but to the believer it is apparent from the teach- 
ings of the Bible that Israel had been chosen of God 
for a moral purpose to be realized in human destiny 
by the establishment and maintenance of the wor- 
ship of the true and living God, the preservation and 
application of the divine statutes and ordinances in 
the Church of God, the recognition of divine author- 
ity and the execution of righteousness in civil gov- 
ernment, and the entertainment and setting forth of 
the hope of salvation in Christ as the Saviour of the 
world. In these things the Jewish people, as a race, 

168 God and Government 

have, to some extent at least, served a purpose; and 
though, as is only too common in all human obliga- 
tions, they have fallen far short of their high calling, 
yet the God of Abraham, of Isaac, and of Jacob has 
spared this historic people as monumental to his 
truth and grace, and by his endurance and mercy 
they still have a mission and a promise in the final 
triumph of the Gospel kingdom of our coming 

God's estimation of the Jewish people may be con- 
ceived from the prophetic promise vouchsafed unto 
his chosen nation. In the divine Word we read : " No 
weapon that is forged against thee shall prosper — 
though I make a full end of nations whither I have 
driven thee — yet will I not make a full end of thee. 
I have chosen thee in the furnace of affliction. Thy 
seed shall inherit the Gentiles." In the truth of these 
promises lies the secret of the Jewish vitality. God, 
though no respecter of persons, as his Word emphat- 
ically declares, found it expedient and even necessary 
for the execution of his great plan of salvation for 
humanity to grant special promises for the encourage- 
ment of the Jewish nation. These divine promises 
full of hope and cheer were the prophets' antidote 
against popular despair in the dark days of tribula- 
tion, and were the means of inspiring the upright and 
faithful hearts to action in God's service. 

Race Problems 169 

Jewish faith in the promise of divine protection 
for God's chosen nation has been maintained and 
strengthened by the occasional striking phenomena of 
penal retributions that have befallen the persecutors 
of Israel among the nations. ^To oppress the Jews/' 
said Frederick the Great, of Prussia, "has never 
brought prosperity to any country." Indeed, Jewish 
persecutors are ill-fated characters in history. The 
great Rameses of Egypt enslaved them and sought 
to prevent their departure to their promised land; 
as a result, his people were cursed by plagues and his 
army was buried in the Red Sea; Sennacherib assailed 
them, and his host was smitten by pestilence ; Nebu- 
chadnezzar and Belshazzar outraged Israel's holy 
things, and both were doomed to downfall and ruin; 
Antiochus Epiphanes oppressed them, and Crassus 
plundered their temple, but each in turn came to a 
miserable and disgraceful end. Nations hostile to 
the Jewish race have shared the same fate as their 
sovereigns. Spain, disgraced by her cruelties to the 
Jews, is to-day a warning evidence of national retri- 
bution. Infidels may cry superstition at such cita- 
tions from history, but believers will recognize a 
divine Providence in such startling national retri- 

Alas, that Jewish persecution still continues even in 
Christian lands of the present day. Let us hope that 

170 God and Government 

the anti-Semitic crusade may never stir up social and 
religious animosities among our people. Anti-Jewish 
prejudice should have no tolerance in this country. 
On the basis of religious freedom granted by our 
National Constitution the Jew has as much right to 
be an Israelite as the Gentile has to become a Chris- 
tian. Of course, our Christian Churches have a justi- 
fiable mission in seeking by amicable methods to 
evangelize the Jews, but aside from this antagonism 
against this race on the common anti-Semitic princi- 
ples is indefensible. Jewish vices and defects must 
be condemned, not as racial instincts, but as indi- 
vidual wrongs, which in a great measure may be 
ascribed to the debasement and oppression that have 
in many instances warped the conscience and weak- 
ened the sense of honor in the Jew. 

Many features of the Jewish scramble for wealth 
must be denounced, but the average Yankee, who in 
his tricks of trade is quite a match for his Jewish 
competitor, must not be excused for avarice under 
the plea that the greed for wealth is a common and 
deplorable evil in all lands. There is really but little 
occasion for war between Jew and Gentile on eco- 
nomic grounds in this country, and the anti-Jewish 
sentiment, therefore, rarely takes an acute form in 
the United States. 

Americans see that Jewish energy has contributed 

Race Problems 171 

much to our country's wealth, and that Jewish char- 
ity has also been a very important factor in many 
lines of beneficial work. Nor should we condemn the 
Jew for his zeal for Zionism, but pardon the Israelite's 
love for the land of his fathers under the plea that 
this peculiar race still has an important and a won- 
derful mission in the future dispensations of God 
among men. 



Rise on the shadowed nations, 

O Sun of Righteousness! 
With heavenly revelations 

The sin- worn people bless! 
Break with thy radiant splendor, 

O glory of our God, 
With light divine and tender. 

O'er every land abroad. 

O Christ, our sky is lighted 

With beams that fall from thee; 
Rise thou on souls benighted, 

Thy light let all men see. 
Stay not for heathen blindness. 

Stay not for unbelief! 
Come, in thy love and kindness. 

And bring the world relief! 

Send heralds swift before thee, — 

Men who have seen the King; 
Those who will show thy glory, 

And joyous tidings bring. 
The Church, thy love confessing, 

Be filled with holy zeal 
To speak the words of blessing, 

To seek, to save, to heal! 

Let her, in faith victorious, 

Subdue earth's sin and pain; 
Prepare the way all-glorious 

For thy most blessed reign. 
Desire of every nation, 

Come in thy love and might; 
Bring in the great salvation. 

The world-wide reign of Light! 

— Mrs. Merrill E. Gates. 



"All things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, 
do ye even so to them." — Matt. 7. 12. 

TWO men passed through the wards of a great 
hospital.* Both were visitors and made intent 
observations. Both were directed by the same guide 
and reviewed the same scenes, yet their distinctive 
impressions were entirely different. 

Said one of them : " I am thrilled with horror over 
what I have seen and heard. That hospital is a 
place of sighs and tears and groans. I cannot banish 
from my memory the spectacle of the little children, 
the cripples, the consumptives, and the other dis- 
tressing sights which we witnessed in the surgical 
ward. The glitter of the surgeon's scalpel flashes even 
now before my eyes with dreadful effect. I can never 
go there again. It is a horrible place." 

Said the other: " I have quite another impression of 
the hospital from that which has horrified you. I 
saw all the painful things that you did, and I am as 
easily affected by human suffering. But, for the time, 

* For the above ilhistration the writer gratefully acknowledges his 
indebtedness to the New York Christian Advocate. 


176 God and Government 

I lost sight of everything except the provisions which 
medical and surgical skill, prompted and supplemented 
by the humanitarianism of the Gospel, has made for 
the alleviation of pain, the relief of the crippled, and 
the healing of the sick. As I saw the nurses and the 
physicians moving through the midst of the patients, 
I could not help thinking of the great Physician of 
Galilee, who himself took our infirmities and bore our 
diseases. In fancy I could see him once more on 
the earth, surrounded as he used to be, with a great 
company of sick people, hearing their appeals, speaking 
words of cheer to them, and healing all their diseases. 
My heart throbbed with gratitude as I reflected 
that we are blessed in our day with speedy, painless, 
and effective methods of medication and surgical 
treatment, such as our fathers never dreamed of. My 
visit to the hospital inspires within my heart a spirit 
of gratitude for the wonderful things which medicine, 
surgery, skilled nursing, anaesthetics, and aseptic 
treatment have combined to do for all manner of 
human ills." 

Such a diversity of opinion is quite natural and 
reminds us forcibly of the striking contrast between 
the pessimistic and optimistic observations concern- 
ing the status of society in the industrial world of 
to-day. Appropriating and misappropriating the 
advantages we enjoy for the study of social and 

Industrial Solutions 177 

industrial issues, would-be social reformers, with reason 
and without reason, are reviewing this great " hospital 
world" of ours and are passing all manner of diverse 
and conflicting opinions and judgments on the rights 
and wrongs of our capital and labor problems, and 
cognate issues. 

Pessimists and demagogues declare : " The world is 
wrong and growing worse. Plutocracy is king and 
civilization is a failure. Our economic system is 
simply a game of the big fish swallowing up the little 
fish. The country is in the grasp of soulless autocrats, 
who through gigantic trusts control the wealth of the 
land, and as a result the rich are growing richer and 
the poor are growing poorer. The working men and 
women are already being trodden under foot by those 
who have wealth, and with the present tendencies 
toward the centralization of wealth things will grow 
rapidly from bad to worse, and soon our much boasted 
liberty will be a farce, inasmuch as the great mass of 
our population will become more and more dependent 
upon the capitalists, and will eventually be hope- 
lessly doomed to serfdom and practical slavery. 
Surely the machinery of the industrial and economic 
world is unhinged, and everything is hurrying to 
destruction. Sorrow, want, crime, greed, vice, and 
disease are rampant everywhere. Indeed, one hears 

nothing but groans, sees nothing but misery, feels 

178 God and Government 

nothing but despair, and life is scarcely worth living 
in this horrible world." 

While such pessimistic language by those who have 
unfortunately grown sour and unappreciative, by 
becoming absorbed with one-sided views of human 
wrongs and woes, is a sad reflection, it is indeed a 
pleasing thought to know that by viewing our indus- 
trial and economic systems from a more enlightened 
and optimistic standpoint this selfsame world appears 
in a much happier aspect and prospect. 

The Christian optimist, believing in a divine Provi- 
dence, which counteracts and overrules the works of 
the Devil, proclaims a Gospel of good cheer and hope- 
ful encouragement, saying: "This world is not all 
wrong nor is it hopelessly doomed to grow worse. 
True it is that there are real and intelligent reasons 
for tremulous anxiety about our capital and labor 
problems, and that certain phases of our industrial 
and commercial life are of sufficient gravity to com- 
mand the most serious contemplation and the prompt- 
est action, yet when we compare our past industrial 
history with the present we see no special occasion for 
hysteric alarm. Plutocracy has not yet and never 
will be enthroned in the United States, and our civi- 
lization compares favorably with that of the best 
nations of the world. While it is true that, as a 
rule, the rich are growing richer, it is not shown, 

Industrial Solutions 179 

by statistical evidence, that the poor, on the whole, 
are growing poorer. It is not true that the masses of 
our labor population are living in penury and hunger, 
with the gloomy prospect of eventual serfdom or 
slavery. The poor we shall always have among us, as 
the Saviour, who honored poverty by embracing it 
himself, has declared; but observation shows that 
most of our laboring people are living in tolerable 
and enjoyable circumstances. Reliable statistical evi- 
dence has proven beyond a doubt that the wages of 
labor have risen greatly in recent years and are still 
rising. The laboring man of to-day is much better 
off than was the wage earner of one or two hundred 
years ago. The common people of to-day have better 
chances than ever before enjoyed. They have larger 
popular franchises, ampler educational opportunities, 
more comfortable homes, more books, better cur- 
rent literature, and better religious advantages than 
our forefathers enjoyed. Altogether, reviewing the 
accomplishments of the past, the achievements of the 
present, and the prospects for the future, the Ameri- 
can laborer, as well as the capitalist, has much occa- 
sion for gratitude to God for prosperity and progress." 
Whether or not the pessimistic or the optimistic view 
of the world is the better and more becoming state of 
mind for noble enterprise and successful work in the 
solution of great issues it is scarcely necessary to say, 

180 God and Government 

but it may not be superfluous to remark that there is 
much needless hysteria in the cry of alarm connected 
with the many present-day theories and solutions of 
our social and industrial problems. Of course, we are 
not without occasion for work and worry over living 
issues on social and industrial lines. Every age has 
its dark, as well as its bright side, and might, as Pro- 
fessor A. W. Small, of Chicago University, remarks, 
find use for a Jeremiah or two, but doubtless he is also 
correct in saying : " The truer note for every age, how- 
ever, is that of Isaiah — the Isaiah who saw the evils, 
but who also foresaw the way of remedy, and did his 
bravest to make it a beaten path." But that our 
modern reformers are not all of the Isaiah stamp, and 
that there is much fakery and bombastic humbug in 
their alarming and revolutionary accusations against 
the present order of things is apparent, not only from 
the vagueness of their pessimistic harangue of teach- 
ing and from the ridiculous and impossible reforms, by 
which they propose to affect a "new redemption" in 
the present social and industrial world, but this is also 
evident from actual facts in our continued and indis- 
putable prosperity and progress, speaking a louder and 
truer language than is contained in the current social 
theories of the Anarchism, Bellamyism, Communism, 
Georgeism, Knights of Labor schemes, Nationalism, 
German Socialism, Christian Apostolate revolutions, 

Industrial Solutions 181 

and all the so-called Christian Socialism of the self- 
professed martyrs and saviours of poor dependent 
and down-trodden humanity. 

While true Christian Socialism is a good thing, and 
enjoys the support of the best men and women in 
Europe and America, yet we all know that nmch in 
the so-called Christian Socialism of our day is not 
Christian but diabolic in spirit and purpose, inasmuch 
as it engenders envy, jealousy, and strife in both 
Church and State, contrary to the peace of society and 
the spirit of the Christian religion. This kind of social- 
ism is known and condemned by its fruits. It has 
never had any well-defined influence for good in the 
past, and, under the irrepressible light of progressive 
truth which is mightier than diabolic falsehood, it 
will fail to maintain an existence of its own in the 

Pure, unadulterated Christian Socialism, however, 
deserves to live and, as already indicated by the many 
noble reforms now actually in progress, will doubtless 
accomplish an important mission in our industrial 
future. This kind of socialism, actuated by motives 
of peace and good will to all mankind, is to-day in- 
citing our best people in all parts of the country to 
a serious study and to earnest endeavor in the solu- 
tion of our industrial problem on the established prin- 
ciples of practical altruism and Christian brotherhood. 

182 God and Government 

Our Industrial Problem 
Capital and labor arc prime factors in our industrial 
problem. Capital is the product and representative 
of labor, and labor is God's law of life and progress. 
In this world of work both God and man must labor 
to accomplish the designs of Providence. God's prov- 
idence is manifest not only in the achievements of 
religious progress but just as well also in the achieve- 
ments of useful and honest industry. Both capital and 
labor are sacred and should be utilized in doing the 
world's work for the upbuilding of Christ's kingdom 
and the promotion of his glory among men on earth. 
If all men could maintain this view of capital and labor 
and be persuaded to make a proper consecration of 
themselves to God and his service, then there would be 
no difference or strife between employer and employee, 
and there would really be no industrial problem in the 
present sense of the word. But because men differ 
in their perverted opinions of what they have and 
what they do, and because many are neither reason- 
able nor righteous in their motives and relations 
toward each other, therefore we have an industrial 
problem which has come down to us as an old land- 
mark of inheritance from our forefathers and which 
in the peculiar vitality of its bearings bodes well to 
remain a living issue in future generations. 

This is the problem of the ages. From the earliest 

Industrial Solutions 183 

dawn of civilization up to the opening of the twentieth 
century the struggle for social equality and industrial 
fraternalisrn has been a continuous problem. This 
problem was the bone of contention between the slaves 
and the masters in the realms of Persia and Greece, 
between the plebeians and the patricians of the Ro- 
man empire, between the serfs and the knights of the 
Middle Ages, and in our own day and age the struggle 
goes on between the laborers and capitalists. Philos- 
ophers, statesmen, economists, and philanthropists in 
all ages have labored to solve this problem. Our 
country, on the birth of her independence, solved one 
phase of this problem over a century ago, and, on the 
emancipation of our slaves, another phase of this prob- 
lem was solved over forty years ago. Though some 
progress has thus been made, yet certain phases of 
this problem remain still unsolved and the long- 
sought-for Utopia of the coming golden age has not 
yet been realized. 

Progress only brings about new conditions of life, 
new environments of men, new labors of enterprise, 
and new theories of reform, but in fact the old social 
problem, though reconstructed by new phases of social 
relations, still remains, and Dr. Small is doubtless cor- 
rect in saying: "There is no social problem to-day 
which has not been in principle the problem of every 
day since men appeared on the earth." Hence, we must 

184 God and Government 

not be discouraged if this problem will not down, but 
let us rather rejoice over the divinely inwrought 
immortality of this continuous struggle upward and 
onward toward the final goal of equality and brother- 
hood. Let both laborers and capitalists cooperate in 
settling all their differences, according to the precepts 
and principles of the Golden Rule, and let all, in the 
fear of God, aim for righteousness, peace, and good 
will among men. 

Prevailing Conditions 
Though the lot of the laboring class of our people 
compares favorably with that of other countries, yet 
it is universally conceded that our economic conditions 
are wrong in many respects. While a few, by an 
adroit use of the money-getting advantages enjoyed, 
are accumulating large fortunes, which run into the 
hundreds of millions, many of our laboring people are 
oppressed by poverty and are exposed to the ravages 
of want. Many are not fairly remunerated for the 
labors which they perform, while thousands are unem- 
ployed. Poverty and idleness, thus generated, breed 
misery, moral degradation, and crime among the peo- 
ple. Machinery, introduced in all branches of indus- 
try, has rendered capital more and more independent 
of labor, and the result is a dearth of employment, 
and an unfair distribution of the wealth produced 

Industrial Solutions 185 

by the living industries of the country. Differences 
of advantages between capital and labor engaged in 
mechanical enterprise have generated a feeling of es- 
trangement between employees and employers and an 
unwholesome stratification of society, which by the 
occasional upheavals of industrial warfare through the 
riotous disorders of strikes and boycotts have disgraced 
our fair civilization with humiliating scenes of vio- 
lence and barbarism. That such economic conditions 
are wrong and far beneath the true ideal of whole- 
some industrial life in a great Christian Republic is 
self-evident. Certainly there should be no unfriendly 
differences betw^een our working and capitalistic 
classes. Both the common laborer and the moneyed 
employer should stand upon an equal basis of rights 
before the laws and business usages of the land. 
Machinery, the blessed fruit of inventive genius, should 
not be misapplied to monopolize the power of capital 
over labor, but should be utilized to lessen the burdens 
of toil and enhance the productiveness of all branches 
of useful industry. Shrewd, unprincipled capitalists 
should not be allowed to fatten on the lifeblood of the 
laboring people who are the bone and sinew of the 
land. Blue-blooded plutocrats should not be per- 
mitted to centralize the wealth of the land into a 
tyrannous plutocracy that would sound the death 
knell of our national democracy. Nor should the in- 

186 God and Government 

dus trial toilers of the nation be suffered to drift into 
a condition of practical servitude that would disgrace 
our boast of American equality and liberty; but the 
God-given fruits of honest toil should be distributed 
in accordance with the laborers' industry, ability, and 
actual worth as related to the capital invested in 
the production of industrial commodities. 

Remedial Methods 

Though all are everywhere agreed that prevailing 
conditions in our social system are wrong, yet opin- 
ions differ as to the causes of what is wrong. Here 
the contention over our industrial problem begins. 
All know that "Poverty ails the world," but we are 
not agreed as to what causes poverty and how it can 
be remedied. Atheistic socialists contend that the 
cause of poverty is attributable to our social condi- 
tions and that it can be remedied only by a complete 
and wholesome renovation of our " social system." But 
Christian reformers and political economists, though 
admitting that much in our social system is wrong, 
urge that sin in the individual man is the fountain of 
all social wrongness, and that accordingly our social 
malady must be remedied not only from without, by a 
renovation of our social system, but mainly from within 
by a radical reconstruction of the individual man as a 
member and component part of our social system. 

Industrial Solutions 187 

The causes of poverty, as enumerated by Dr. 
William A. Quayle in his book on Current Social 
Theories, are: 1. Intemperance; 2. Crime; 3. Dis- 
honesty (noncriminal from the standpoint of law, but 
causing poverty in creating an inability to secure 
credit) ; 4. Shiftlessness, including a roving disposi- 
tion; 5. Laziness; 6. Extravagance (disposition to 
live up to the limit of income rather than under that 
limit) ; 7. Improvidence, which while apparently in- 
cluded under extravagance, differs sufficiently to 
justify a separate head; 8. Incompentency in work- 
manship, which throws the worker out of employ- 
ment; 9. Misfortune. 

Now, it will be seen by a glance at the above 
enumeration, which is doubtless reasonably exhaust- 
ive, that the first eight of these causes originate with 
individuals and that the ninth element alone can be 
properly attributed to our social system. Thus it is 
plain that, while there are some people who are 
worthily and unavoidably poor, yet, by a fair esti- 
mate, the main bulk, perhaps ninety-nine per cent, of 
the world's poverty is attributable not to the misfor- 
tunes of 'Our social system but to the wrongs of indi- 
vidual causes. Accordingly, the malady is interior 
and requires an individual remedy more drastic than 
any theory of social reform. 

The four leading methods of suggested social and 

188 God and Government 

industrial reform are: Nihilism, Communism, Pater- 
nalism, Christian Individualism. 

Nihilism. — Nihilism is of Russian origin. Previous 
to 1878 Nihilism contented itself with orderly social- 
istic agitations, but from the year named to the 
present date its revolutionary endeavors have been 
characterized by violence and bloodshed. Its recruits 
have been gathered from every social grade, alike 
from the nobles and peasants of the land of its nativity; 
and now the spirit of Nihilism appears to have per- 
meated every stratum of Russian society. Its growth, 
however, has not been confined to the imperial realm 
of the Czar alone, and to-day we find more or less of 
Nihilism in all lands, and it is as violent and diabolic 
in America, where individuals have equal rights, as 
in Russia, where the rights of the individual are 
overruled and ignored. Nihilism is maddened indi- 
vidual supremacy. Its aim is annihilation, disorder, 
and ruin under the guise of bringing about a new social 
creation in a coming golden age. This social monster 
of annihilation, though influenced by environments, 
is bred and born, not of conditions or circumstances, 
but of character that is as Satanic as it is real and 

Communism. — Communism is that branch of social- 
ism which sacrifices individual interests for the 
common welfare, in a greater or less degree, and which 

Industrial Solutions 189 

in its most radical form adheres to the tenet : " Nobody 
own anything, everybody own everything." In the 
book of Acts we read of a pure operative Christian 
commune in the first Church at Jerusalem, where all 
sold their goods and lived in common. This com- 
munity of goods as practically in vogue during the 
first few weeks or months of that society was, how- 
ever, never instituted by Christ himself as a permanent 
thing; but it was only a temporary apostolic arrange- 
ment pertaining to the mother Church and was not 
compulsory. Ananias and Sapphira were not com- 
pelled to sell their goods, nor were they punished for 
retaining a part of what they had sold, but for lying. 
As the Christian societies grew larger and more numer- 
ous. Communism became impractical and was aban- 
doned. Individual possession of property is not 
forbidden by our Lord, but is declared by him to 
be a stewardship, for the administration of which 
each possessor is personally accountable to God. 

Communisms, as instituted at Plymouth, James- 
town, and other places in modern times have all 
failed. Their failure was inevitable. Absolute and 
equal division of property among persons who differ 
not only in their needs but also in their intellectual, 
industrial, and moral capacities is both un-Christian 
and impractical. Experience teaches that the equal 
sharers in the wealth of to-day would be the unequal 

190 God and Government 

possessors and bankrupts of to-morrow. Absolute 
equality on communistic principles is impossible and, 
therefore, entirely outside of the question of practical 
economics. Nor is the partial Communism proposed 
by the single tax and land confiscation schemes of 
Henry George and others to be considered as, in any 
sense, a wise, a just, or even by any means a possible 
solution of our social or industrial problem. Henry- 
Georgeism, replete as it is with misconception and 
false logic, grossly overrates the magic properties of 
the remedies it proposes, and in the light of Christian 
liberty, justice, and reason stands self-evidently con- 
demned and doomed to failure. 

Paternalism. — Communism being abandoned as a 
failure, and the compulsory socialism of Europe being 
discarded as inapplicable to American industrial life 
and enterprise, voluntary socialism as applied through 
the ownership and conduct of industry by the State 
has been advocated and set forth as the kind of 
socialism America needs. To some this seems to be a 
very plausible and happy solution of our industrial 
problem. The government is to own what are con- 
veniently termed "public rights," such as lands, 
mines, forests, railways, telegraph and telephone 
lines, street railways, rivers, canals, harbors, munici- 
pal water works, light plants, public schools, and 
currency or moneys, and operate them immediately 

Industrial Solutions 191 

by the people and for the people, to whom all the 
profits shall accrue. This means national Paternal- 
ism, an economic system by which the government 
is deified into a great common fatherhood provid- 
ing for everybody as a child is cared for by its par- 
ent. By such a system it is proposed to liberate the 
people from the " tyranny of trusts," and the " slavery 
of corporations," to avert the disorders of abominable 
strikes, and bring about the long-sought economic 
ideal of industrial equality, peace, and prosperity. 

This gospel of Paternalism sounds well in socialistic 
oratory and reads smoothly in Utopian literature, but 
in fact it would hardly be worth the cost of an experi- 
ment to realize that in practice such a system would 
be incompatible with the spirit and genius of Ameri- 
can institutions, and would not work with any degree 
of satisfaction to those who appreciate the impor- 
tance and dignity of God-given individualism. Of 
course, the advocates of Paternalism do not explain 
how the government could get possession and con- 
trol of all these properties termed "public rights" 
without saddling upon the American people a haz- 
ardous multibillion-dollar national debt many times 
larger than that of the worst debt-ridden nation of 
the Old World, nor do they demonstrate intelligently 
the propriety and consistency of seeking to abolish 
private corporations, that can be legally controlled 

192 God and Government 

and whose industrial enterprises have been a bene- 
diction to our progress and civiUzation, by trans- 
forming the national government into a gigantic 
monopoly, against which there is no appeal save 
revolution — and which is meant in its last and con- 
summate stages to swallow up all the individual 
enterprises of the land. 

Paternalism, as applied in European countries, dem- 
onstrates that State ownership and control does not 
abolish poverty by cheapening the necessaries of life; 
it ignores the desire of individual possession ; it stifles 
personal enterprise; it reduces the laborer to the con- 
dition of a soldier under military law, and in case of 
any personal grievance leaves him without recourse 
for the adjustment of inflicted wrongs; and, last but 
not least, in a republican form of government it 
breeds a political corruption that is hazardous and 
contemptible. In the face of much government 
ownership in Europe the Italian Railroad Commis- 
sion, after accumulating an immense mass of infor- 
mation by a careful and exhaustive investigation, 
requiring three years of time, declared that it was 
not expedient for the State to run railways for three 
main reasons: 1. Private companies can give better 
and cheaper service than the State; 2. State man- 
agement is more costly than private management; 
3. The political dangers would be very great. 

Industrial Solutions 193 

Paternalism in America, where people believe in 
the largest personal liberty consistent with public 
order and the general welfare of the nation, would be 
even less satisfactory than it is in the monarchies of 
Europe where the people believe in the " divine right" 
of kings and where the government consists largely in 
the will of the sovereign. True American statesman- 
ship will never resort to Paternalism for a solution of 
our industrial problem. President Grover Cleveland, 
in his second inaugural address, wisely said : " Pater- 
nalism is the ban of republican institutions and the 
constant peril of our government by the people. It 
degrades to the purposes of craft the plan of rule our 
fathers established and bequeathed to us as an object 
of our love and veneration. It perverts the patriotic 
sentiment of our countrymen and tempts to a pitiful 
calculation of the sordid gain to be derived from their 
government's maintenance. It undermines the self- 
reliance of our people and substitutes in its place 
dependence upon governmental favoritism. It stifles 
the spirit of true Americanism and stupefies every 
ennobling trait of American citizenship. The lessons 
of Paternalism ought to be learned, and the better 
lesson taught that, while the people should patriotic- 
ally and cheerfully support their government, its func- 
tions do not include support to the people." 

Christian Individualism. — The last here named of 

194 God and Government 

the four leading methods of industrial reform is first 
in importance. In our government of the people, 
by the people, for the people, Individualism is a 
sovereign power both in our national life and in our 
industrial progress. The regeneration of the individ- 
ual on Christian precepts and principles is therefore 
essential and fundamental in our social and industrial 
reform. "We must be born again," applies primarily 
to the individual, but where this doctrine of our Lord 
is experimentally carried out and true religion becomes 
vitalized and exemplified in the Christian lives and 
characters of our American manhood and woman- 
hood, there the true philosophy of our social amelio- 
ration and the whole secret of a proper and successful 
solution of our industrial problem have been conceived 
and realized in miniature. Christian Individualism 
exemplifying, in model characters, the highest type of 
true manhood and womanhood demonstrates to the 
world that godliness is profitable in all things and 
wields a pacifying and progressive power in the suc- 
cessful solution of the trying problems connected with 
industrial life and enterprise. 

What Nihilism, Communism, and Paternalism must 
inevitably fail to do will be accomplished by Christian 
Individualism in our industrial progress. Individu- 
alism, vitalized and made potent by the shields of 
Christian organization maintaining order, and secur- 

Industrial Solutions 195 

ing permanence and peace, has been the mighty pro- 
pelling power in our country's history, in winning 
our freedom, in overthrowing error, in forbidding 
wrong, in accomplishing reform, in supplying the 
energizing forces of government, and it will doubtless 
be, in the future as it has been in the past, the great 
invincible and advancing power in our industrial 

Applied Christianity 

Though Christianity does not teach Nihilism, Com- 
munism, and Paternalism, or other fads of modern 
socialism, yet it does magnify Christian Individualism. 
Christ himself was ideal Individualism exemplified, 
and this not only in the personality of his nature 
but also in the dispensations of his ministry, including 
not only the multitudes but also the individuals who 
were the happy recipients of his marvelous bounties 
and his heavenly benedictions. Indeed, many of his 
sweetest and most important messages and the great 
majority of his miracles were his direct attentions 
given to individuals, including even the poorest, the 
weakest, and meanest of mankind, demonstrating to 
all the world and for all time to come that God is not 
a respecter of classes, high or low, and that divine 
Providence, as well as human responsibility, is direct 
and personal in the purest and strongest sense of 

196 God and Government 

While the Saviour's Gospel is not, and does not 
contain, a treatise on political economy, and though 
Christ, once for all times, sternly refused to comply 
when urged to settle a property dispute between two 
brothers, yet Christianity is not by any means left 
without Gospel teaching pertaining to capital and 
labor and the solution of industrial issues. In the 
New Testament self-denial is set forth as a cardinal 
virtue, diligence in business is specifically enjoined, 
mammonism is emphatically forbidden, violation of 
the rights of property is condemned, servants are 
instructed to discharge their duties faithfully, "not 
with eyeservice, as men-pleasers, but in singleness 
of heart," and employers are commanded to treat 
their employees " no longer as servants, but as breth- 
ren beloved." 

Christianity enlightens and spiritualizes man's 
understanding. It teaches plainly, as human experi- 
ence reiterates, that a man's real happiness does not 
depend upon the abundance of earthly things pos- 
sessed, and that an equal distribution of wealth 
would not bring about the promised millennium of 
industrial peace, contentment, and happiness, as pro- 
claimed by modern socialism. In the light of Gospel 
intelligence it is easily and clearly perceivable that nei- 
ther riches nor poverty are to be necessarily regarded 
as vices or virtues, and that the unwholesome extreme 

Industrial Solutions 197 

or abuse of the one may be as prolific of misery and 
ruin as would be the abuse or extreme of the other. 
Indeed, the Gospel indicates very plainly that wealth 
may be the greater snare to the soul, since "it is 
hard for a rich man to enter into the kingdom of 

That the majority of our American people, though 
happy, healthy, and comfortable, in only tolerable 
living circumstances — in other words — that in our 
time and in our country, as in all ages and in all 
lands, the few are rich and the many are poor, may 
be, and doubtless is, a blessing in disguise. Says Dr. 
William A. Quayle : " Poverty is healthy, and supplies 
the centuries with poets, painters, philosophers, states- 
men, orators, preachers, inventors ; indeed, all but the 
whole of human genius. To vilify the condition from 
which the world's betterment has sprung would be 
captious at least, and foolish at worst. Poverty makes 
nothing against usefulness, goodness, worth, and hap- 
piness, and is not, therefore, to be accounted an evil. 
People do not commiserate the rich, should not com- 
miserate the poor, and need only to commiserate the 
ranks of penury." 

Applied Christianity in the industrial world dignifies 
labor. Alas, that the mistaken idea of ancient 
heathendom discarding labor as a disgraceful drudgery 
akin to slavery still survives and lives in the benighted 

198 God and Government 

misconception of those who look upon honest toil not 
as a blessing but as a curse, and who shirk the duties 
and privileges of even honorable and profitable em- 
ployment because they erroneously suppose manual 
labor beneath their dignity and standing in society. 
Counteracting this idle fancy, which from the days of 
Aristotle to modern times has been prolific of so much 
unwholesome shame and misery, Christ, the Son of 
God and King of kings, dignified labor by exalting 
it to a nobler estimation in enlightened opinion. Our 
Saviour, who by choice might have been as rich as 
Dives, identified himself with the common people. 
He himself labored at the carpenter's bench. His 
chosen disciples were from among the laboring class. 
All his associates and first Church members were 
working people, and his whole life and teachings tended 
to elevate and bless laboring humanity. Thus in the 
Gospel dispensation labor is no longer an evil burden 
to be despised, no humiliating drudgery of which to 
be ashamed, but, in its true estimate, a noble calling 
which is an honor and a blessing before God and 

Christianity not only dignifies labor, but it also 
proclaims the royalty of service through the practical 
application of the Saviour's decree that "he who 
would be greatest among men must be the servant 
of all." This law of service, however, is universal 

Industrial Solutions 199 

and applies not only to the sons and daughters of 
daily toil, but alike, and, indeed in a much higher 
and more obligatory sense, to the capitalists of all 
Christendom, because their capacity for service is 
much greater and more powerful for usefulness to God 
and humanity. The Christian capitalist living up to 
this law of Christ finds in happy experience that 
not selfish gain but faithful service in true evan- 
gelical humanitarianism brings in return the richest 
and most enduring reward. Thus by service, through 
helping others, he invests in men instead of things, 
securing thereby unto himself an instrumental rela- 
tionship in the advancement of Christ's kingdom, an 
eternal revenue of reward far more enriching and 
enduring than ownership in material wealth could be. 
It is gratifying, indeed, to know that with the 
spread of Christianity among the people this spirit of 
service is spreading, and is teaching men and women 
everywhere that not gain but sacrifice, not selfish- 
ness but love, not mammon but usefulness, not ease 
but activity, not the nobility of wealth but the nobility 
of character is the true ideal and mission of a success- 
ful Christian life. True Christianity thus applied to 
both capitalists and laborers will banish strife from 
the industrial arena and bring, men together in a 
becoming and an abiding spirit of cooperation and 

200 God and Government 

Combinative Tendencies 

The tendency toward organization and combination 
in the industrial and commercial world is a remark- 
able characteristic of our times. Prevailing social 
tendencies and business expediency have incited and 
wrought a union of forces, both of capital and labor. 

Under the competitive system, in the days of our 
forefathers, when the labor of manufacture was done 
by hand and when commerce was limited to individual 
enterprise, there was little occasion for the combination 
of either capital or labor. Competition then had full 
sway, and was either a blessing or a curse. Every 
man stood on an equal basis of industrial freedom, and 
enjoyed comparatively equal chances of business suc- 
cess. Both employers and employees were inde- 
pendent of allied influences and stood in direct 
individual relations toward each other. In those 
"good old times" there were no "trusts" or "com- 
bines" to monopolize business or to rob society, and 
no labor "organizations" or "unions" to paralyze 
commerce or to disgrace civilization with riotous 

But the invention of machinery for all kinds of 
labor, the multiplication of public carriers for rapid 
transit, and the vast increase of all lines of manufac- 
ture, agriculture, and commerce have brought about 
great changes, and have reversed the condition of 

Industrial Solutions 201 

things in the industrial world. The productive capacity 
of manufacturing industries has been increased a 
thousandfold, and commercial enterprises have been 
extended and augmented to gigantic proportions. 
Capital has gained a commanding prestige over labor, 
wage-earning individuality has been largely dis- 
counted, and single-handed competitors with small 
means have been driven from the race for wealth. 

This new condition of things has disturbed the 
industrial peace of society, has raised the tempera- 
ture of the battle for bread and gain to a white heat, 
and has naturally brought both capital and labor into 
masses and combinations. Workmen, seeing their 
individuality practically destroyed, and knowing that 
without combined action they would be absolutely 
helpless against the encroachments of organized capi- 
tal, naturally resorted to organization and union. On 
the other hand, the investor, seeing himself involved 
in a double conflict, with strong competition for 
markets on the one side and powerful labor unions 
on the other, found himself unable to carry on the 
battle single-handed, and hence resorted, first to part- 
nerships and corporations, and finally to combinations 
and trusts. 

Now it would be idle to overlook the natural causes 
and forces of circumstances leading to and generating 
these combinative tendencies; and certainly it would 

202 God and Government 

be misguided pessimism to decry unequivocally all 
organization, of capital or labor, as the mere outgrowth 
of moral retrogression, commercial greed, and unblush- 
ing mammonism, now threatening the country with 
financial vampirism, economic despotism, and politi- 
cal ruin. Though much in the combinative tendencies 
of to-day is both unrighteous and unwholesome, yet 
not all of our economic system is necessarily of evil, 
but much in the organizations of investors and work- 
men for mutual protection and improvement is 
unquestionably legitimate and beneficial, not only 
to capitalists and laborers but also to the general 
industrial and commercial interests of the people. 

Organization, where properly conducted, does not 
necessitate the annihilation of individualism nor the 
sacrifice of liberty, but in its legitimate sphere it may 
mean and does accomplish the betterment of economic 
conditions, the increase of personal usefulness, the 
promotion of industrial progress, and the securement 
of human comfort and happiness. " That," says Henry 
King, " is the difference between freedom and slavery, 
independence and servility. The tendency of organ- 
ization on the part of any element of society is to 
stimulate its self-respect, to concentrate its energies, 
and to make it more effective. It is easy to under- 
stand from the reading of history that all important 
results have been accomplished by associated effort. 

Industrial Solutions 203 

by the combination and cooperation of men having a 
common interest and seeking a common object. This 
fact is exempHfied in the annals of mihtary conquest, 
of pohtical progress, of rehgious development, of 
material prosperity. Every great man has been a 
great organizer, carrying out his designs by enlisting 
a large number of people in the service of a given 
cause or movement. The whole wonderful story of 
civilization, in short, is a series of illustrations of the 
power of aggregations, as distinguished from individ- 
ualities, of united endeavor in contrast with strictly 
personal exertion." 

The material benefits of organization, both in behalf 
of capital and labor, are indisputable. Organization 
destroys unhealthy competition, it commands a recog- 
nition of rights, it wields social and political influence, 
it curtails the expenses of manufacture, it regulates 
the output and the sale of commodities, it protects 
mutual interests, and, where the stock books of the 
corporation are open to the employee as well as to 
the employer, and laboring men become investors, 
the great interests of labor and of capital become 
united in a state of mutual ownership and coopera- 
tion. Thus organization is a good thing and serves 
a beneficent purpose. 

But even a good thing may be abused and trans- 
formed from a blessing into a curse. Though organ- 

204 God and Government 

ization and combination is, within certain restrictions, 
a good thing, yet, under conditions where the union 
and cooperation of either capital or labor, or of both, 
combined, is flagrantly abused to rob and tyrannize the 
people, there the "union," the "trust," or the "com- 
bine," whatever may be its name, becomes a menace 
to society and a dangerous threat upon industrial 
peace and individual enterprise. The objections to 
combinations or trusts, either of capital or labor, 
are that they create monopoly, they deprive society 
of the advantages of competition, and concentrate 
dangerous powers in the hands of a few men as 
oflftcers and managers of corporations. Organization, 
if abused, is fatal to individualism and single-handed 
enterprise. It robs the poor man of business oppor- 
tunities; it groups men together in masses to be 
dealt with collectively as mere numbers or commod- 
ities; it reduces the laborer to the flesh and blood 
functions of an animal or a machine, and generates 
hatred and strife between the capitalists and the 
laboring classes. 

Certainly these evils in our combinative tendencies 
must be recognized and counteracted. How and how 
not to deal with trusts and corporations is and doubt- 
less ivill continue to be a much debatable question 
that shall tax the wisdom and skill of our best states- 
manship in coming time; but society's right and ability 

Industrial Solutions 205 

to control such combinations cannot be gainsaid, and 
surely we cannot afford to allow organization to crush 
our independence, energy, and manhood, by complete- 
ly abolishing or paralyzing single-handed effort and 
personal enterprise. Trusts, whether of capital or la- 
bor, must not be allowed to control our courts, to gov- 
ern our legislation, to quash our industrial freedom, nor 
to override our institutions of law and order. While 
our past is beyond recall and tears of repentance can- 
not wash away our stains, yet our wrongs must be 
righted and our future republicanism must, irre- 
spective of political creeds or partisan interests, brave 
the conflict between monopoly and private enterprise 
by demanding that neither individualism nor organ- 
ization shall be unduly exalted or empowered,but that 
both contending forces, having a mission in our civ- 
ilization, shall be restrained and punished in their 
wrongs, as well as encouraged and protected in their 


Our Industrial Future 

Carnal security is dangerous and unbecoming 
for nations as well as individuals, and political 
wisdom and foresight will command vigilance and 
precaution against the perils of monopoly and 

But whatever may be our future policy toward 
organization and capitalization, as shall be manifested 

206 God and Government 

in the amendment of our corporation statutes, and 
the new restrictions upon our present system of cap- 
itahst production, we shall always remember that 
both organized labor and incorporated wealth, though 
sometimes abused to evil purposes, are and always 
will be potent and indispensable factors in our indus- 
trial progress and civilization. To seek to destroy 
organization or to abolish capitalization would be the 
height of political folly, for in the future, as in the 
past, we shall need to utilize and apply both the 
powers of capitalized wealth and organized labor in 
the development of our industrial resources, in the 
extension of our commerce, and in the promulgation 
of our civilization. 

There is no immediate occasion for pessimistic alarm 
over our prospective industrial future. Our present 
prosperity, resulting partly from the advantages in- 
herited from our fathers and partly from our indus- 
trial developments blessed of God, bodes hopefully 
for our coming advancement. Both capital and labor, 
though never fully satisfied, have much occasion for 
satisfaction and gratitude. 

The prevalence of harmony and good will as mani- 
fested in the humanitarianism shown in the reduction 
of pauperism, and in the securement of help for the 
unemployed, are hopeful signs of our times. Moreover, 
the experiment of voluntary cooperation and profit- 

Industrial Solutions 207 

sharing as introduced by some of our leading indus- 
tries, showing the advantages of mutual benefit be- 
tween capital and labor, has brought forth a new 
and very important factor in the future solution of 
our industrial problem. 

Organization of both capital and labor encourage 
and facilitate conciliation, and with the growing and 
universal desire for peace and harmony the doctrine 
of arbitration, supplemented by New Zealand's suc- 
cessful demonstration, that the disorder and violence 
of strikes can be abolished, is rapidly winning favor, 
and from present indications, permanent peace by 
arbitration between the two great contending forces, 
capital and labor, is one of the practical certainties 
of our industrial future. 

God in Our Industrial Problem 

God's dealings with his people in bygone ages 
teach us very distinctly that in the solution of our 
industrial problem we must not limit ourselves 
exclusively to mere secular conditions or human 
agencies. We say : " Man is the architect of his own 
fortune," and ascribe economic conditions solely to 
the potency of material agencies and influences. We 
speak of good and bad, or of hard and prosperous 
times, and name their various causes. The supply 
of profitable employment, the amount of money in 

208 God and Government 

circulation, the condition of the banks, public faith, 
tariff legislation, the values of stocks, the monopoly 
of trusts, the prestige of labor organizations, these, 
and many other things, are material agencies affect- 
ing our times. Recognizing the potency of these 
various elements, as related to our economic system, 
we apply ourselves to the solution of our industrial 
problem, seeking by political agitation, by enforce- 
ment of reformatory measures, by legislative enact- 
ments, and by the control of industrial and capital- 
istic corporations, to evade the financial disasters of 
threatening panics, and to restore public confidence 
and business enterprise. Yet, after all, we fail to 
prevent the reoccurrence of the hard times, the busi- 
ness depressions, and the panics that overcome us, and 
often we are all in a quandary as to their cause and 

Here we may learn something from the holy pro- 
phets of old — some of the wisest and best men the 
world ever saw. They looked beyond material forces 
and human agencies. They recognized the sovereignty 
of God behind all times, good or bad. They attrib- 
uted the evils of the hard times befalling the people, 
not to their defective financial system, but to the 
divinely inflicted retributions on account of the sin- 
fulness of sin, and proclaimed righteousness as the 
only safeguard against national ruin — a great moral 

Industrial Solutions 209 

principle as fundamental in national prosperity to-day 
as it was three thousand years ago. 

God still reigns. He is the one great sovereign 
power whose retributive justice can never be defeated 
or debased by national politics or economic systems, 
and we, as a people, at all times, in all things — and 
especially in our solution of our industrial problem 
— will do well to study the relation of God to nations 
and national sins. On God's favor and blessing 
depends our national destiny in all coming time. If 
we violate his laws and reject the rulership of his Son, 
in our departments of government or in our industrial 
systems, he will smite us like a potter's vessel, as he 
has smitten other fallen nations by judgments inflicted 
for their sins. ^' These," says Bishop Warren, "are 
times when every good man should come to the aid 
of establishing righteousness. To do this every public 
teacher should be burdened with the most vivid idea 
that God reigns, that his law is supreme, that he is 
not slack as some men count slackness. We are con- 
scious of the power of gravitation only when some 
house falls, or an avalanche slips from the mountain 
to bury helpless villages. So we are not conscious 
of God's supreme rulership until he comes in judg- 
ment. But when once the soul- of a community is 
vividly full of the reality of God's presence and man's 
accountability, every man will think of his own sin 

210 God and Government 

and amend. It is better that the felt ^woe is me^ 
should come from the seen holiness of God than from 
any reasoning of others. He, thus impressed, is taken 
by a flank movement and surrenders at once. Hard 
times in commercial circles are good times for the 
Church and soul's prosperity. When God has a con- 
troversy with a nation there is no way to settle it but 
on God's terms." 



God, to the human soul, 

And all the spheres that roll, 
Wrapped by his Spirit in their robes of light, 

Hath said: "The primal plan 

Of all the world, and man, 
Is forward! Progress is your law — your right." 

The despots of the earth. 

Since Freedom had her birth, 
Have to their subject nations said, "Stand still." 

So from the Polar Bear 

Comes down the freezing air. 
And stiffens all things with its deadly chill. 

He who doth God resist — 

God's old antagonist — 
Would snap the chain that binds all things to him, 

And in his godless pride. 

All people would divide. 
And scatter even the choirs of seraphim. 

God, all the orbs that roll. 

Bind to one common goal — 

One source of light and life — his radiant throne 

In one fraternal mind 

All races would he bind, 

Till every man in man a brother own. 

— J. Pierpont. 



"Righteousness exalteth a nation: but sin is a reproach to 
any people." — Pro v. 14. 34. 

STATECRAFT, or the art of government, has been 
the study of mankind in all lands and in all ages; 
but nowhere and at no time, perhaps, as the stu- 
dent of political history will observe, has this theme 
attracted greater interest and attention than it does 
at the present time among the American people, who 
by the acquisition of new territories, as the result 
of the recent Spanish-American War, have gained a 
new and universal interest in the question of govern- 
ment, and particularly in that branch of it relating to 
the extension of our sovereignty over our new pos- 
sessions. Though, of course, there can be no variation 
in our form of government, and the essential principles 
of our national sovereignty must always remain the 
same regardless of our change of policy as to national 
expansion, yet our aim must be to advance con- 
tinually and press forward and upward in pursuance 
of an ever-rising and progressive ideal of Christian 

In all the world, and especially in all civilization, 


214 God and Government 

the desire and the struggle for better government is 
continually going on, and though often the struggle 
is characterized by violence and bloodshed, 3^et, on 
the whole, there is everywhere a manifest tendency 
to discard dishonorable methods of political agitation 
and to aspire to higher and better forms of political 
existence. The false conceptions of national great- 
ness as originally inherited from the barbarisms of 
heathendom are rapidly passing away and giving 
place to the nobler and more elevating ideals of 
Christian government as now entertained by the 
leading nations of the w^orld. 

Our Republic, therefore, to retain her place or to 
take the lead, as she should, among the sisterhood 
of the great nations of the earth, must pattern all 
her advancements after the noblest ideal of Christian 
government. Though there is no such a thing as 
infallibility in government, 3^et there is such a thing 
as a becoming national ideal, which gives definite 
direction to endeavor for political progress. 

History demonstrates the power of ideals in 
national destiny. High ideals exalt, and base ideals 
degrade nations. For healthy, progressive govern- 
ment our national ideal must not be a stereotyped or 
a fixed model of sovereignty independent of times,- 
conditions, or circumstances, but must be such as 
to command a perpetually rising standard of national 

Our National Ideal 215 

duty as time and emergency in the march of civiU- 
zation shall demand. Only a rising standard of action 
continually improving on the past and constantly 
going forward to the new ranges of national life, to 
which the risen standard of duty calls, should be 
conceived as our becoming national ideal. 

Since no one can foretell the complications and 
problems of our future national history, therefore, it 
would be difficult for anyone to say, in detail, just 
what should be our national ideal for all the future. 
But with ideal, popular government as our aim a few 
general but very important and permanent principles 
may here be explicitly and profitably suggested. 

Christian Republicanism 
The American conception of popular self-govern- 
ment seems to be the divine ideal of national organi- 
zation and sovereignty. Israel's commonwealth, as 
divinely instituted and supervised under Moses and 
Joshua and the Judges, was a popular government 
and remained so until in the days of Samuel, the 
degenerated sons and daughters of Abraham, enticed 
by heathen nations, ignored God's plan and purpose 
of sovereignty by demanding a king. Jehovah's con- 
cession to Israel's plea for a ^ monarchical sover- 
eignty is only explainable on the grounds of God's 
supremacy over all forms of government, because, as 

216 God and Government 

the inspired Word declares, "there is no power but 
of God," "and the powers that be are ordained of 

The divine favor of republicanism is inscribed by 
characters of living light in the annals of governmental 
history. God's displeasure has sounded the death knell 
of the cruel despotisms and tyrannical monarchies 
of ancient and mediaeval times, and the new light 
from Bethlehem's manger illuminating the political 
firmament by the rise and progress of civil and 
religious liberty has generated and inculcated an irre- 
sistible spirit of democracy so gloriously manifested 
in the noble achievements of Christian republicanism 
of modern times. Indeed, so marvelous and progress- 
ive has been the sweeping march of Christian civili- 
zation and political liberty that to-day not only in 
the republics of the new continents, but also in the 
greater number of European nations, representative 
government has been established, either in the form 
of republicanism as in the United States, or in the 
form of a limited monarchy as in England. 

What a charming privilege and what an inspiring 
observation to trace the guiding hand of God directing 
the course of events^ leading to the discovery of 
America by Christopher Columbus and to the found- 
ing of our Republic by our forefathers. With an 
inspiration thus obtained, Henry W. Grady was more 

Our National Ideal 217 

than justified in saying: "Our history has been a 
constant and expanding miracle all the way — even 
from the hour when, from the voiceless and track- 
less ocean, a new world rose to the sight of the 
inspired sailor. Let us resolve to crown the miracles 
of our past with the spectacle of a Republic compact, 
united, indissoluble in the bonds of love — blazing 
out the path and making clear the way up which all 
the nations of the earth must come in God's appointed 

To reciprocate God's favor vouchsafed unto us in 
the birth, perpetuity, and progress of our national 
life, and to accomplish our mission in the noble cause 
of Christian republicanism all our endeavors and 
movements in the administration of sovereignty must 
be Christocentric. Christ's spirit of love for God and 
humanit}^ must be our ruling incentive in freedom's 
great conflict against national sins, and Christ's king- 
dom must be our aim in the defense and propagation 
of liberty among the nations of the world. 

Expansion of Liberty 

Liberty is the keynote of our national ideal. Our 
Pilgrim Fathers, who first planted Christian civiliza- 
tion upon American soil, were men whose virtues had 
been kindled by the spirit of the Reformation and 
whose hearts had been ennobled by the passion for 

218 God and Government 

civil and religious liberty. That inherent and irrepress- 
ible principle of liberty, which was so strong that 
it could not be subdued even by a superior alien power, 
eventually found expression in the immortal Declara- 
tion of American Independence in 1776, and led to the 
establishment of our Republic under a federal Consti- 
tution, the whole genius of which is popular freedom. 
American liberty thus originated has been expan- 
sive and progressive from our nation's birth to the 
present day. Jeffersonianism, in the early days of our 
Republic, was a triuniph of the people over aristo- 
cratic forces and tendencies, and opened the way for 
the further extension of American liberty as finally 
accomplished and expressed in the Constitutional 
Amendments augmenting our freedom, in the expan- 
sion of our territorial domain, in the abolishment of 
slavery and the establishment of equal rights for all 
races. Thus, through all the great political epochs and 
national conflicts of our history, has the trend of our 
liberty been continuous and unabating. Yet, in the 
face of all our expansion of populai sovereignty it 
is evident that the final goal of our freedom and the 
highest ideal of our continually rising standard of 
liberty is still unattained. Indeed, with the rights and 
blessings of freedom taught in our public schools, 
preached from our pulpits, proclaimed from our plat- 
forms, magnified by our press, and worshiped by our 

Our National Ideal 219 

people, who can preconceive or foretell the glorious 
and happy possibilities of our expansion of liberty? 

The expansion and progress of American freedom 
is blessed and magnified in its ennobling power and 
prospect by a rapidly growing Christian sentiment 
continually exalting our national ideal of civil and reli- 
gious liberty. In the progressive light of that Christian 
liberty, which is already dawning upon other less 
favored nations, and which in God's appointed time 
shall enlighten the world, the imported false ideas of 
liberty inherited from darker ages and brought to our 
shores by ignorant and benighted immigrants, who 
have misconceived liberty to imply a license for 
drunkenness, anarchism, and unbridled wickedness, 
must be suppressed and replaced by that noble 
heritage of freedom imparted by the Son of man, 
who maketh free indeed. As Christian liberty makes 
progress and develops the true ideal of freedom our 
people will learn in theory and demonstrate in prac- 
tice that real liberty consists in doing as we please 
only in so far as we please to do right. This noble 
ideal of liberty adhered to will guard us against 
prostitutions of our freedom at home, will forbid a 
career of imperialistic tyranny abroad, and will inspire 
us with worthy and becoming motives in all the 
policies and practices of our future political life. 

The United States of America, in her protection of 

220 God and Government 

Cuban independence and in her extension of repub- 
lican sovereignty over her new possessions in Hawaii, 
Porto Rico, and the Phihppines certainly has a great 
and important mission in the noble cause of liberty 
for God and humanity. The task assumed, of estab- 
lishing self-government in those tropic lands among 
a but half-civilized people, saturated with treacherous 
cunning and incapacity for self-rule, is indeed one of 
the most intricate and perplexing problems of modern 
times. Sacrifice, patience, forbearance, and resolute 
endeavor will be necessary in the discharge of our 
assumed national duty; reaction and disaster must 
not be precipitated by a hasty and premature 
bestowal of independence before a capacity for self- 
government has been developed; and the God of all 
true liberty must be our shield, our guide, and our 
sustaining power to enable us fully to accomplish our 
purpose, through our new departure, in the expansion 
of popular sovereignty, which by force of the example 
of American republicanism may be the providential 
means for " extending the bounds of freedom further 


Monroe Doctrine 

Peacefulness is a cardinal feature in our ideal of 
government. Our national self-respect, as a great and 
free people, prompts and maintains our desire for 
amicable relations with all nations. 

Our National Ideal 221 

It was our love for peace and the hope of averting 
further miUtary invasions upon American soil that 
originated our foreign policy as expressed in the Mon- 
roe Doctrine. Forewarned by England's threat of 
seizure upon territory claimed by Venezuela, Pres- 
ident Monroe declared that " the American continents 
are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for 
future colonization by any European power." 

This declaration against the aggrandizement of 
American territory by non-American powers was in- 
deed a wise and justifiable departure in our foreign 
policy favorable to the universal peace of the world, 
inasmuch as it debarred Old World powers from 
further imperial warfare in the New World and 
shielded us from the necessity of becoming a military 
power in defense of our liberty. 

The amicable purposes of the Monroe Doctrine so 
often proclaimed in our Presidential messages and 
other State documents have been demonstrated in 
our historic attitude of peace and good will toward 
the nations of both hemispheres. Our war with 
Mexico was, of course, a deviation from our usual 
policy of peaceful diplomacy in settling national 
differences, but even that regretful episode in our 
history has, in a measure at least, long since been 
atoned for by our government invoking the Monroe 
Doctrine to drive Maximilian from his imperialistic 

222 God and Government 

war path out of Mexico ; and our paternal disposition 
toward Cuban independence and popular self-govern- 
ment in our newly acquired territory demonstrates 
conclusively that in our late war with Spain we were 
not actuated by the base motives of territorial aggran- 
dizement or the glory of conquest, but by our moral 
obligation toward a flagrantly oppressed people, and 
by the principle of the Golden Rule as expressed in 
the enforced purpose of the Monroe Doctrine. 

European imperialistic nations have, of course, 
questioned our motives, and even the American Re- 
publics have, at times, been jealous and somewhat 
afraid of us; but as time brings up truth, and newly 
made history, as incident to the recent Venezuelan 
imbroglio, vindicates our noble purposes, the world is 
learning to understand our sincerity in declaring that 
we are not an imperialistic nation and do not aspire 
to become a military world power, but that we desire 
peace and prosperity not only for ourselves, but also 
for all nations, and especially for our sister Republics 
of North and South America. 

While we shall in the future, as in the past, as 
much as in us lies, seek to avoid an attitude of 
hostility toward other powers, both trans-Atlantic 
and cis-Atlantic, prudence and foresight born of ex- 
perience will command us to remember that an ade- 
quate and highly trained navy is " the best guarantee 

Our National Ideal 223 

against war and the most effective peace insurance.'' 
Says President Roosevelt, in his first annual message 
to Congress : " Probably no other great nation in the 
world is so anxious for peace as we are. There is not 
a single civilized power which has anything whatever 
to fear from aggressiveness on our part. All we want 
is peace; and toward this end we wish to be able to 
secure the same respect for our rights from others 
which we are eager and anxious to extend to their 
rights in return, to insure fair treatment to us com- 
mercially, and to guarantee the safety of the Amer- 
ican people. Our people intend to abide by the 
Monroe Doctrine and to insist upon it as the one sure 
means of securing the peace of the Western Hemi- 
sphere. The navy offers us the only means of making 
our insistence upon the Monroe Doctrine anything 
but a subject of derision to whatever nation chooses 
to disregard it. We desire the peace which comes 
as of right to the just man armed; not the peace 
granted on terms of ignominy to the craven and the 

Commercial Enterprise 

Akin to our policy of peace, as formulated in the 
Monroe Doctrine and the Golden Rule, is our indus- 
trial growth, which has developed a commercialism 
that has become a marked characteristic of our 
national ideal. Says our Secretary of State, John 

224 God and Government 

Hay : " We frankly confess we seek the friendship of 
all the powers; we want to trade with all peoples; we 
are conscious of resources that will make our com- 
merce a source of advantage to them and a profit to 

Originally, in the primitive days of our pioneer life, 
immediately after the discovery of America by Co- 
lumbus, there was, of course, but little traffic directly 
consequent upon that discovery. The early settlers 
on our eastern borders were agriculturists and hunt- 
ers, whose meager productive capacities were limited 
to the plow and the gun, and whose colonies, for want 
of means of communication, were isolated from all 
association with the outer world. But that same 
unmistakable and favoring Providence which led to 
the discovery of the New World also directed its de- 
velopment and progress ; and soon after the Mayflower 
landed our Pilgrim Fathers on Plymouth Rock, there 
dawned a new era of both civil and religious advance- 
ment on American shores. 

From the landing of the Pilgrims to the present day 
the salutary powers of the Gospel have been applied 
to evangelize our rapid growing population, and the 
invincible powers of labor and genius have been 
utilized to transform the rich hunting grounds of 
Indian savagery into a national commonwealth whose 
industrial and commercial resources are already the 

Our National Ideal 225 

marvel of civilization. Manual labor, combined with 
inventive ingenuity blessed of God, has developed the 
vast resources of our agricultural and mineral wealth, 
has multiplied the manufacturing capacity of our in- 
dustrial interests, has harnessed the gigantic powers 
of electricity and steam as now applied in the public 
carriers that facilitate commerce, and has extended 
our traffic in all lines of trade, placing our nation in 
the commercial supremacy of the civilized world. 

Speaking of our industrial and commercial achieve- 
ments during the last quarter of a century, the Hon. 
Charles Emory Smith has fittingly said: "Familiar 
as we are with the legend of our national growth, 
we do not realize its stupendous proportions until we 
analyze and measure it by comparison. In 1870 the 
annual value of our manufactures was $3,700,000,000; 
now (1900) it is about $12,000,000,000. For half a 
century England had been the w^orkshop of the world, 
and we had only just begun. Still we had got such a 
start that in 1870 the manufactures of the United 
States just about equaled those of Great Britain. 
But since then our growth has been so prodigious 
that now our manufactures amount to two and a half 
times the total volume of Great Britain, Germany, and 
France put together. The increase in the annual 
American products within thirty years has been dou- 
ble the combined increase of those three great nations 

226 God and Government 

of Europe. In other words, if you matcli the United 
States against Great Britain, Germany, and France 
together our manufactures are now equal to all theirs 
and are growing twice as fast. We are manufacturing 
nearly two thirds as much as all Europe, with its 
380,000,000 people, and more than one third of all that 
is manufactured in the world." 

Marvelous as our industrial growth appears in the 
presence of such comparisons, yet present conditions 
of industry at home and abroad are promissory of still 
greater advancements in our commercial future. Our 
perpetual growth in natural capacities for production, 
our rapid advancements in the arts of manufacture, 
our increased facilities of transportation over land and 
sea, our commercial advantages achieved by our new 
possessions giving us an "open door" even to the 
markets of the vast Chinese empire, all these, and 
other signs of progress, headed by the new Depart- 
ment of Commerce and Labor in our national gov- 
ernment, indicate the correctness of Julian R. Elkins's 
prediction, that " the United States is to be commercial 
mistress of the high seas," and point to the fulfillment 
of Mr. Gladstone's prophecy that this country would 
replace Great Britain as the leading commercial nation 
of the world. 

In our commercial supremacy we shall do well to 
look to our motives, our methods, and our responsi- 

Our National Ideal 227 

bilities, and to seek to avoid the abominations of other 
avaricious nations who in their greed for filthy mam- 
mon have disgraced civihzation by the rum traffic, the 
opium trade, and other evils progenerative of degra- 
dation and ruin. Commercial prosperity is, of course, 
more or less perilous to any nation, because, as a 
rule, success is naturally accompanied with temptation 
and danger. Yet it is not prosperity, but sm, that 
ruins nations. Our commercial progress need not be 
inconsistent with our Christian civilization, nor need 
it hasten our national decline, but may, and should be, 
the means of greater opportunities for the extension 
of Christian sovereignty. 

Indeed, our own national origin and progress from 
our colonial days to the present time, as well as the 
history of other nations, indicates that the lines of 
Christianity and commerce move so closely side by 
side that they have been fittingly declared " the twin 
sisters" and "the handmaids of progress" in the 
march of civilization. "Whether the one or the 
other," says Dr. W. S. Hooper, "is the predecessor, 
they are handmaids in human progress. Commerce 
is the bindins; link of nations, the element that induces 
intercommunication and promotes fraternal feeling, 
but Christianity purifies the people, promotes morals, 
and prepares for the higher commerce of nations. 
Commerce is as essential to the divine plan for the 

228 God and Government 

protection of government and the well-being of the 
people as Christianity to the salvation of the soul. 
The establishment of multiplied lines of commerce 
is the immediate result of continued necessity and 
man's desire for gain; they are not the product of the 
thought of a moment, but of long-continued study, 
necessity, and experiment. But behind them all is 
the overruling hand of Providence as the great de- 
termining cause who uses them as civilizers and agents 
in the progress of Christianity." 

Interior Development 

Our recently attained commercial supremacy is 
doubtless related, in a great measure, to the new 
phase in our national ideal demanding an internal 
expansion of our industrial capacity through our 
interior development. Called, on the one hand, by the 
opportunities and responsibilities of our exterior ex- 
pansion to be the torchbearers of a new civilization, 
and the espousers of true republicanism and Christian 
liberty in the islands of tropic seas, we are, on the 
other hand, impelled, by the trend and pressure of 
enlightened public sentiment demanding the develop- 
ment of our domestic resources, to a new national 
policy proposing important interior improvements 
of our national landed heritage on home territory. 
Thus, our so-called "vigorous foreign policy" is 

Our National Ideal 229 

matched, as it should be, by a correspondingly vigor- 
ous home policy. 

Interior development has been advocated in the 
party platforms of both great political organizations, 
our Secretary of the Interior has declared that there 
is no one question now before the American people 
of greater importance, and our President, thoroughly 
familiar as he is with the conditions in the West, has 
advised and urged important measures, to be pursued 
on lines of the broadest public interest, for saving our 
forests, for reclaiming our arid lands, for conserving 
our water supply, and for utilizing the yet unoccupied 
territory of our vast public domain. 

Our future prosperity and our trend toward pro- 
gress in all lines of industry and commerce necessi- 
tate the execution of these measures for our interior 
development. The importance of forestry to the 
mining, grazing, and lumber interests of our country 
demands that our future administration of govern- 
ment over the timbered lands of our public domain be 
such as to henceforth not only shield our forests from 
destruction by the ravages of fire or public intrusion, 
but also to perpetuate their growth, so as to maintain 
or even increase their utility and value for the future. 

The fact that one third of the home territory of the 
United States is still vacant, and that, as investi- 
gation shows, there still remain 600,000,000 acres of 

230 God and Government 

vacant land that is now barren and practically worth- 
less, but could be reclaimed by irrigation and made 
valuable productive soil for cultivation, demonstrates 
conclusively the importance of the new national pol- 
icy of interior development and improvement. 

Colorado, Utah, California, Kansas, and Arizona 
have already taken the lead in this new departure 
by introducing irrigation, partly by canals with vast 
mountain reservoirs and also by artesian wells. The 
work thus far done by private enterprise or State 
capital proves satisfactorily the plausibility of the 
great national irrigation plans now proposed. How- 
ever, what has been done is only a beginning of what 
may and should be done by the government, because 
the great work of reclamation proposed is entirely too 
large in scope and too expensive in construction for 
private enterprise. Besides our arid public lands to 
be reclaimed are of right the common heritage of 
our people and should not be made the subject of 
speculation by private enterprise, but should be irri- 
gated by the national government and made available 
for industrious settlers who will build homes and cre- 
ate productive communities. 

As to reimbursement for the great expenditures 
occasioned by such vast irrigation works, and as to 
the salableness of the lands thus reclaimed, our Secre- 
tary of the Interior, the Hon. Ethan Allen Hitchcock, 

Our National Ideal 231 

who is now about to put in operation the national 
irrigation act of 1902, has well said: "It is safe 
to predict from recent struggles for homes upon the 
public domain that every acre of vacant land to be 
supplied with water would be immediately taken in 
small tracts by men who would not only cultivate the 
ground when water is had, but in the meantime would 
be available as laborers in the construction of works, 
and would ultimately refund to the government the 
cost of the undertaking. In this manner thousands 
of the best class of citizens in the country would be 
permanently located in prosperous homes upon what 
is now a desert waste. It has been estimated that 
the western half of the United States will sustain a 
population as great as that of the whole country at 
present if the waters now unutilized are saved and 
employed in irrigating the ground.'^ 

Industrial Peace 

Our national aim of peace and progress would be 
futile without the inclusion of industrial peace and 
harmony in our ideal of government. In the great 
industrial conflict for bread and gain, capital and la- 
bor are the two prime factors and contending forces. 
Both are indispensable to production and should seek 
to cooperate in friendly relations to each other on the 
fundamental precept and principle of the Golden Rule, 

232 God and Government 

which is the acknowledged standard of justice with 
all honorable men. 

But experience teaches that differences will occur 
and that offenses will come disturbing our industrial 
peace. That such disharmony arises is, of course, not 
desirable, yet it is quite natural and perhaps, in many 
instances, inevitable. Though capital and labor are 
twin brothers, dependent upon each other and are 
mutually interested in their ends and aims, yet their 
rights and claims are by no means identical, and com- 
plications will arise where conciliatory mediation will 
be necessary for an adjustment of rights and for the 
establishment of peace. 

Such prevailing conditions, though inconsistent 
with the ideal state of society, are, nevertheless, liv- 
ing evidences of a virility, which is preferable, by far, 
to that torpor and quietude, which is born of helpless 
submission to injustice, and is, therefore, a greater 
evil than even strife in defense of sacred rights. The 
tranquillity to be sought, in any event, must not be 
attributable to passiveness, dependence, or subjec- 
tion; nor should peace ever be desired as an end in 
itself, but only for the purpose that it serves in accom- 
plishing a just and amicable result of mutual conces- 
sions satisfactory to all. 

While there are no inherent powers in government 
capable of averting strife or of securing unbroken 

Our National Ideal 233 

peace in the industrial world, yet in the light of 
observation and experience the fact remains apparent 
that much can be done on the part of the State in 
behalf of industrial peace by impartially recognizing 
the rights of both capital and labor and by maintain- 
ing a healthy equilibrium between the two contending 
forces, so as to reduce their friction, to mitigate their 
antagonism, to lessen the wastes and damages of the 
economic conflict, and to encourage more humane 
ways and means of adjusting differences in doing the 
world's work. 

Let us hope that our solutions of industrial prob- 
lems may always be consistent with righteous princi- 
ples and that the recently instituted Industrial 
Committee of the National Civic Federation may 
accomplish much for the promotion of peace in the 
industrial future of America. 

Righteous Government 

Every precept and principle of our national ideal, 
in order to be true and consistent with God's demands, 
must be centered in righteousness, which, as Canon 
Farrar has appropriately said, is as much the law of 
Christ as it is the law of Sinai. Our Christian re- 
publicanism, our expansion of liberty, our Monroe 
Doctrine, our commercial enterprise, our interior de- 
velopment, our industrial peace, and, indeed, every 

234 God and Government 

aspiration of our whole political career must, in 
order to be ideal and permanent, be based upon 
righteousness as the fundamental and all-inspiring 

Faithless men who adhere to the secular idea of 
government may sneer at moral obligations in polit- 
ical measures and proclaim other principles as their 
criterions of civil government, but with God and 
Christlike citizens there is no national standard 
higher than righteousness, the supreme and abiding 
principle by which all nations under the sun are 
judged in God's estimation and shall eventually stand 
or fall in accordance with their merit or demerit in 
the scales of eternal justice. Righteousness is our 
only safeguard against the awful doom of the godless 
nations that have already gone down in the terrible 
judgments that have befallen them. For this reason 
God's word must be vitalized in our statesmanship, 
our laws must be enacted in accordance with the 
Decalogue, our national sins must be condemned, 
and our evil practices must be forever repudiated. 

Righteousness applied and manifested in our 
national life will command honorable diplomatic rela- 
tions with other nations, incite just methods of tax- 
ation and home rule, and maintain honest policies in 
all our public affairs. By a strict regard for righteous 
principles we may happily cherish the hope of divine 

Our National Ideal 235 

approval and meritoriously enjoy national stability 
and progress in coming time. 

If in our past, which is now beyond recall, we 
have come short of our true national ideal, then let 
us not be discouraged, but let us, as a great Chris- 
tian nation, seek all the more to make the most of 
our future, which still lies before us as an unwritten 
page to be inscribed, not as fate may by chance de- 
termine, but as we ourselves shall dictate by our 
relation to the mandates of Hun, who ruleth in 
the kingdom of men. 

Should our great ship of State ever founder she will 
be shattered upon the rocky shoals of skepticism, and 
will go down in the whirlpool of worldly and unright- 
eous ambitions, but if she steers clear of the threat- 
ening dangers, as we hope and pray she may, by 
heeding God's signals of warning, and finally enters 
the haven of saved and triumphant nations gath- 
ered into the glorious realm of the eternal King, she 
will enter there by obedience to divine truth, with 
righteousness inscribed upon her banner, and as 
the herald of Gospel liberty. 



God's blessing be upon 

Our own, our native land! 
The land our fathers won 

By the strong heart and hand, 
The keen ax and the brand, 

When they felled the forest's pride, 

And the tyrant foe defied, 

The free, the rich, the wide — 
God for our native land! 

Our native land! to thee 

In one united vow, 
To keep thee strong and free, 

And glorious as now — 
We pledge each heart and hand 

By the blood our fathers shed, 

By the ashes of our dead. 

By the sacred soil we tread, 
God for our native land! 

— Rev. Dr. Bethune. 



*• The Lord reigneth, he is clothed with majesty." — Psa. 93. 1. 

AMERICA has many occasions of gratitude to God 
for the bounties of her national heritage. Co- 
lumbia may justly glory in the vastness of her territory, 
in the wealth of her material resources, in the variety 
and healthfulness of her climate, in the intelligence 
and enterprise of her people, in her institutions of 
education and benevolence, in her forces of virtue 
and religion, and surely she may rejoice in her noble 
systems of law and government, the best ever known 
or devised. 

Law is the common heritage of all mankind, and 
is indeed as universal as God's omnipresence and 
handiwork. In all the realms of nature, of prov- 
idence and redemption, law is the absolute and eternal 
king to whom every atom of matter and every germ 
of life, every volition and every power, every intelli- 
gence and every spirit, earth and heaven, men and 
angels, must bow and yield in submission to his 
authority. Thus there is no vacuum — no place of 
absolute anarchism or of coincidence by chance — in 


240 God and Government 

all the universe. From the throne of God to the 
depths of hell, law is as perpetual and as supreme 
as God himself. Therefore, it is suicidal folly to ignore 
or defy the supremacy of law. 

Nor can there be a reasonable motive for contempt 
of law, for, as Burke truly says, " Law is beneficence 
acting by rule." As God bestows his loving-kind- 
ness in every ray of light, in every drop of water, in 
every atom of matter, in every spire of grass, in every 
flower of the field, and in every fruitage of the earth, 
so God, the one great Lawgiver, who is the fountain 
head of all authority, dispenses his beneficence to hu- 
manity, and indeed to every creature of his hands, 
through the inestimable benedictions of law and 
authority. Says John P. Newman : " Law is no less 
good in what it forbids than in what it commands; 
all its prohibitions promote the highest interests of 
society. It throws its muniments around life, mar- 
riage, property, reputation, home, and heaven. Every 
act of obedience adds to the perfection of man's moral 
nature; it enlarges and ennobles. Obedience and 
happiness are inseparable. 'The law is holy, and just, 
and good. ' " 

Law implies free agency and personal responsi- 
bility. Our Lawgiver recognizes his own image in 
human souls and appeals to their volition governed 
by conscience, forewarned against disloyalty by the 

Supremacy of Law 241 

fear of punishment, and encouraged to obedience by 
the hope of reward. Law and retribution are insepar- 
able. God's decree of eternal justice is irrevocable 
and inviolable: ''Whatsoever a man soweth that 
shall he also reap." Loyalty and virtue may, at 
times, seem to go unrewarded, and evil-doers evading 
the penalties of the broken law may appear to be the 
scapegoats of justice, yet God's law of retribution 
can never be defeated, and justice will eventually be 
dispensed as the eternal reward or doom of every soul. 
Even in the joys and sorrows of the present life, 
ensnared by so many powers and influences that 
militate against righteousness, may be seen the un- 
mistakable evidences of retributive justice consequent 
upon the merit or demerit of human conduct. By 
word and deed, in characters of living fire, divine truth 
declares: "The way of the transgressor is hard;" 
''There is no peace, sayeth my God, to the wicked;" 
"The wages of sin is death;" but "blessed is the 
man whose delight is in the law of the Lord; and in 
his law doth he meditate day and night. And he shall 
be like a tree planted by the rivers of water, that 
bringeth forth his fruit in his season; his leaf also shall 
not wither: and whatsoever he doeth shall prosper." 
Even Christ our Lord, who- vindicated the law by 
his glorious triumph on the cross and who is to all 
nations the herald of Gospel grace, declares : " I am 

242 God and Government 

not come to destroy the law, but to fulfill it." " Verily 
I say unto you, Till heaven and earth pass, one jot or 
one tittle shall in no wise pass from the law, till all 
be fulfilled." Says Dr. J. M. Buckley: "The redemp- 
tion provided by Jesus Christ is not to make void 
the law, but to magnify and make it honorable. If, 
reacting from despair to presumption, we sin in hope 
of finding forgiveness, we turn the grace of God into 
lasciviousness. The highest dignity, the purest happi- 
ness, the only security of man is in alliance with the 
only Lawgiver. Independence of him is impossible. 
Indifference, resistance, or alliance are the only choice. 
Indifference is resistance; the alternative is to resist 
or to ally one's self by repentance, faith, and a holy 
life to Him who sitteth upon the throne of the universe. 
Such alliance does not weaken, but does immeasurably 
strengthen man for every physical, mental, and 
spiritual struggle, burden, and work, and is the sole 
source of that true hope of everlasting life which is an 
anchor to the soul." 

Aside from the hope of eternal life attained through 
the powers of saving grace upon the terms of the 
Gospel, personal alliance of our citizenship with Christ, 
our Lord and Lawgiver, is the only reliable safeguard 
against disloyalty to authority and the only means of 
establishing and maintaining the supremacy of civil 
and religious law in both Church and State. 

Supremacy of Law 243 

Authority of Law 

The supremacy of law commands obedience to all 
properly constituted authority as divinely delegated 
to the home, the school, the municipality, the com- 
monwealth, the nation, and the Church. " Let every 
soul be subject to the higher powers," and this not 
only because ''the powers that be are ordained of 
God," but because our country's welfare demands that 
the majesty of law and authority be respected and 

The disloyal and socialistic plea of liberty and 
equality, as viciously misconstrued from our Declara- 
tion of Independence, is grossly incompatible with 
the real design of our fathers and the true spirit of 
American freedom. As Abraham Lincoln, in one of 
his speeches, wisely observed, our fathers did not 
declare that all men are "born equal," but that they 
are "created equal." The two expressions are very 
different in meaning, the former implying a natural 
identity of individuality and the latter a conferred 
equality of rights and opportunities under the com- 
mon heritage of independent sovereignty. Sancti- 
fied common sense will always concede the preva- 
lence of indisputable inequalities of natural gifts, of 
acquired capabilities and personal fortunes, as well as 
demand an equality of rights and opportunities in 
the privileges of our citizenship. Surely our declara- 

244 God and Government 

tion of equality and freedom was never intended 
either to annihilate the God-given diversity of indi- 
vidualism or to establish anarchism under the insane 
and hypocritical pretense of personal liberty. True 
American liberty is not by any means the inherent 
and unrestricted right of the individual to do as he 
chooses irrespective of the rights of others; nor is 
it in any sense the liberty of the barbarian who 
defies authority and gloats in unrestrained lawless- 
ness and wickedness; nor is it the despotic liberty 
of the plutocrat who would claim the right to swallow 
up the material wealth of the nation and relegate the 
laboring class of our people into practical serfdom or 
slavery; but it is the civil liberty of a free and 
independent nation respecting alike the rights of 
the citizen individually, and the rights of the peo- 
ple collectively. 

There need be no question as to the limitations of 
our liberty, no misunderstanding as to its purpose, and 
no dissatisfaction as to its universality or franchise. 
AVith all the prerogatives of sovereignity vested in 
the people without discrimination as to race, nation- 
ality, or person, every citizen stands on an equal basis 
with every man, so far as rights and opportunities are 
concerned, and shares alike not only in the benefits 
of government but also in the obligations of patriotic 
loyalty toward his country and its laws. 

Supremacy of Law 245 

Notwithstanding this, however, it must be conceded 
that while the increase of crime in the United States 
is not as great as some sensational writers would make 
it appear, yet the appalling depravity of human na- 
ture, the decline of discipline in our many homes, 
schools, and Churches, the perversion of public senti- 
ment, the malpractice in law, and the general laxity 
in the administration of civil authority have generated 
a growing lack of reverence for God and government, 
and a lessening respect for law and order, as now so 
appallingly indicated by the multiplication of crime 
and mob violence, which is one of the gravest aspects 
of our modern degeneracy in civilization. Such ugly 
sores on the body of our American society should re- 
mind us that liberty without conformity to law is a 
disgraceful failure, and that in spite of our much 
boasted progress in civilization we need above all a 
thorough revival of civic virtue to dethrone wicked- 
ness from high places, as well as to counteract mean- 
ness in low places, besides seeking, on the whole, to 
remove the causes of disrespect for authority and 
to inculcate principles of loyalty in the hearts and 
minds of the people. 

Promulgation of Law 

Intelligence and morality are two prime factors in 
the promulgation of law. There must be an edu- 

246 God and Government 

cation of the heart as well as the intellect and a 
recognized distinction between the divine authority 
and the human administration of sovereignty. Inferi- 
ority or worthlessness in administration of power can 
never justify disloyalty, but the majesty of law must 
be recognized wherever we meet with properly con- 
stituted authority. 

Loyalty as well as charity must begin at home. The 
proper administration of parental authority is funda- 
mental in the promulgation of loyalty through the 
young and rising generation. 

As is our discipline in our homes so will be our 
administration of law in the community and the 
nation. Any tendency toward undue laxity in the 
administration of parental authority, or any inclination 
to allow home government to go by default, must there- 
fore be looked upon as a dangerous malpractice, which 
is fruitful of much harm by generating a spirit of 
unrestrained liberty and disloyalty that threatens a 
breaking down of law and order in our nation's future. 
Therefore, as our American fathers and mothers rec- 
ognize their eternal responsibilities toward their 
children and honor their duty toward God and the 
nation, they will seek to avoid the sin of lawlessness 
in their homes and endeavor to strike the golden 
mean between Puritan severity and modern laxity by 
making their households amenable to law and by 

Supremacy of Law 247 

enforcing family government under rules of dis- 
cipline consistent with Christian principles and adapt- 
able to our free institutions of civil and religious 

The work begun by our parents in our homes must 
be supplemented by the pastors in our Churches in 
order to fully develop and maintain Christian loyalty 
in both our present and prospective citizenship. While 
our Churches are not political clubhouses, and must 
stand aloof from organic relations to political parties, 
yet they certainly have a very important mission in 
the civil life and national destiny of our people. With- 
out Gospel teachings and religious influences we 
should be on a common level with the degraded and 
disorderly pagan nations of the world. Our Churches, 
though not State corporations, are law-abiding insti- 
tutions having clearly defined rules for their own 
regulation, besides exerting a moral influence that 
incites loyalty to both civil and religious authority. 
Laxity of discipline must be avoided and authority 
must be strictly maintained in our American Churches 
if they shall accomplish their God-given mission, for 
they are destined to be and to remain in all coming 
time the heralds of both the law and the Gospel, the 
fountain heads of educative influences, flowing out 
from pulpit, press, and school, enlightening and ele- 
vating the people morally, mentally, and spiritually, 

248 God and Government 

thus qualifying them for the duties of an intelligent 
and law-abiding citizenship. 

Next to the parents in our homes and the pastors 
in our Churches stand the teachers in our schools as 
promulgators of law and order in American society. 
Not only the accumulation of knowledge, but also 
the inculcation of respect for authority, the learning 
of obedience to law, and the training of "Young 
America" in orderly deportment, is recognized by our 
leading educators as an essential part of our school 
work. The discipline in our common schools com- 
pares favorably with that of other schools in other 
lands. Perhaps nowhere is order more observed, and 
with so little physical punishment, as in American 
schools, and yet there is much room for improvement. 
Realizing that teachers will impress their individuality 
upon their pupils, school boards should always seek 
to select teachers of the right stamp for the inculca- 
tion of Gospel precepts, moral principles, and loyal 
sentiments. Parents should recognize the difficulties 
of school government, and should avoid the dis- 
paragements of unfriendly criticism, and always, so 
far as consistent with righteousness, uphold the 
authority of teachers. 

In like manner the powers of sovereignty vested 
in our municipalities, our commonwealths, and our 
national government, should, of course, always be so 

Supremacy of Law 249 

administered as to command respect for authority and 
to promulgate obedience to law. Civil authority and 
legal power should never be abused for selfish ends 
or extravagant purposes, but should be executed in 
the fear of God and in the interests of the people, 
who, in our system of popular government are the 
ultimate and real sovereigns of the land. Our laws, 
when once made, be they enacted by our city Coun- 
cils, our State Legislatures, or our national Congress, 
must be respected and rigidly enforced. Dead statu- 
tory laws or unpunished violations against civil 
authority are abominations which American govern- 
ment cannot afford to tolerate. The Christian virtue 
in the patriotic manhood of our American citizen- 
ship must assert its power in the promulgation of 
statutory law by strongly resisting disloyal practices 
and sternly demanding the enforcement of the powers 
and penalties of the law, in order to maintain the 
dignity and majesty of civil authority. 

Perils of Anarchism 

How noble the mission of law and government. 
Law is to establish and uphold authority; to protect 
life, property, and the pursuit of happiness; to teach 
in matters of right and wrong; to direct in the dis- 
charge of duty; to deter from evil-doing; to show 
the obligation of men toward God and each other; 

250 God and Government 

and to exemplify retributive justice in human affairs. 
How ennobling are these prerogatives of law. What 
an inspiration to the soul to bow before its majesty, 
and to acknowledge in thought, word, and deed our 
obligation to authority and our allegiance to the 
throne of the Highest by the behests of laws enacted 
both for our temporal welfare and our immortal 

Yet even in this enlightened age of faith and civili- 
zation we find anarchism in open revolt against law 
and authority as a serious and an ever-present danger 
threatening the nations of the world. " Uneasy lies 
the head that wears a crown." King George the 
Third is reported to have said: "The life of a king 
belongs to any man who will pay his own." Between 
1848 and 1878 there were twenty-eight attempts 
upon the lives of rulers, and in the last forty 
years three Presidents of the United States, one for 
every three terms, or three elected Presidents out 
of the last seven, have fallen as victims to assassins' 

Thus red-handed anarchism, criminally displayed 
in horrifying deeds of violence upon the heads of 
governments in both hemispheres, is a sad and shock- 
ing reminder of the awful and unwelcome fact that 
there is in all the leading countries of the civilized 
world a prevailing sentiment of criminal hostility 

Supremacy of Law 251 

against established authority regardless of the forms 
of government or the dispositions of character in 
rulers. Anarchism does not discriminate between 
monarchies and republics, nor between severe and 
liberal administrations of sovereignty. It is simply 
and insanely opposed to all law and authority, and, 
regardless of every principle of virtue or reason, pro- 
poses to abolish government and to establish the su- 
premacy of criminal liberty and social disorder. 

Even the best governments and the noblest rulers 
have not been exempted from the deadly blows of 
anarchism, but seem rather to have been the chosen 
targets of this monstrous and insane progeny of 
diabolic violence. Indeed, with few exceptions, the 
victims of murderous anarchism have been the 
friends of the people. Alexander II, emperor of 
the Russians, the great Czar who liberated the mil- 
lions of serfs in his dominion; M. Sadi-Carnot, the 
president of the French Republic whose character 
was above reproach and who, in the most extreme 
period of French history, guided his ever-rolling and 
tossing ship of State so gallantly and so successfully ; 
King Humbert of Italy, the brave and popular ruler 
whose charity endeared him to his people and whose 
statesmanship was a national safeguard in the tur- 
moil of Itahan politics; Elizabeth, the empress of 
Austria, that noble woman whose life had been par- 

252 God and Government 

ticularly beautiful, so far as her relations to the 
Austrian empire were concerned; James A. Garfield, 
a man of the people and a Christian statesman 
whose administration so nobly begun was full of 
promise for the best interests of his country; Abra- 
ham Lincoln, the great emancipator of American 
slaves and God's chosen instrument, with charity to 
all and malice toward none, directing the shattered 
Union's destiny during the dark and stormy days of 
the great rebellion ; and William McKinley , a gentle, 
kindly, spotless man of God, a wise and noble Pres- 
ident, solicitous of discharging the duties of his high 
office in the interests of his people and in the fear 
of God — these were the victims of some of the his- 
toric assassinations that have disgraced and grieved 
the civilization of modern times. 

Even in the face of such a record of murder criminal 
anarchism is aided and promulgated by a certain class 
of self-styled reformers who would seek to shield an- 
archistic sentiment under the plea that they can see no 
good in the existing conditions of society, and who, 
under the guise of innocent disloyalty — which is rebel- 
lious inconsistency — would argue a respectable dif- 
ference between a creed of peaceful anarchism and the 
propaganda of criminal anarchism. But such argu- 
ments, though claimed to have been suggested by the 
teachings of Count Tolstoi, who, though a respect- 

Supremacy of Law 253 

able man, is almost or quite an anarchist in philo- 
sophic conviction, or by the creed of the Society of 
Friends, a reputable body whose doctrines, though 
not directly anarchistic, very closely approach the 
denial of the rightfulness of human government, can 
hardly substantiate the avowed harmlessness of so- 
called peaceful anarchism. Some anarchists may not 
contemplate violence at the beginning, yet the fact 
remains that sin always multiplies and theoretical 
anarchists are the easy prey of anarchistic lecturers 
and infamous journalists, who by slanderous speech 
and libelous caricature are continually misrepresenting 
the officials of the government and viciously appealing 
to the basest passions of human nature in those who, 
by the false logic of anarchist sentiment already em- 
braced, soon become the contemptible dupes for dia- 
bolic violence as expressed in the destruction of 
property and the taking of human life. Thus there 
is, doubtless, a much closer relation between the 
apparent harmless and the open criminal anarchism 
than is commonly supposed. 

Nor should anarchism receive any tolerance or 
comfort from any tendency in public sentiment 
declaring that anarchism is "prima facie a freak of irre- 
sponsible criminal insanity, and that the frequent re- 
occurrence of such deeds of violence, must be accounted 
for as the acts of individual cranks or fanatics who are 

254 God and Government 

not accountable for their deeds of havoc and murder. 
The assaults of criminal anarchism are undoubtedly 
the ultimate results of disloyal influences and tenden- 
cies which have a serious meaning but which have 
usually been regarded with a puzzled and passive 
attitude of mind in public sentiment. Miserable 
and disreputable anarchists, whose names are the very 
synonyms of corruption, have been allowed, through 
press and platform, to proclaim their seditious doc- 
trines and to organize anarchist societies with a degree 
of unchallenged freedom that has been directly dan- 
gerous to the peace and safety of society. Hitherto 
the opinion prevailed that even anarchists, so long as 
they did not resort to violence against the government, 
were harmless and had a right to promulgate their 
doctrines, which dared not be restrained until they 
had actually occasioned public calamity. But the day 
of easy-going tolerance and of laisscz faire has 
passed. People are waking up and beginning to see 
that it is criminal indifference and negligence to allow 
anarchists to go unrestrained until their hostility is 
actually demonstrated in deeds of public violence. 

It is the right and duty of nations to protect them- 
selves against vital danger, and the time has come 
when strong and vigilant repressive action pn the 
part of all governments against anarchism is in 
demand. Too many precious lives have been sacri- 

Supremacy of Law 255 

ficed already, and every reoccurrence of successful 
anarchistic violence stirs up and revives throughout 
the world the copperhead fiends who, unlike the 
rattlesnakes that always warn their victims before 
they inject their venom, quietly and stealthily deal 
their deadly blows without warning or even under 
the disguise of pretended friendship, as Czolgosz 

Great evils require strong and radical remedies. 
The zeal of our government manifested in the enforce- 
ment of the anti-anarchist law in the Turner case is 
commendable. The law excluding anarchists, as passed 
after the assassination of President McKinley, pro- 
vides, that "No person shall be permitted to enter 
the United States who disbelieves in, or who is opposed 
to, all organized government, or who is a member of, 
or affiliated with, any organization entertaining or 
teaching such disbelief in, or opposition to, all organ- 
ized government." 

This law is directed as well against the teachers of 
anarchistic doctrines as against the perpetrators of 
anarchistic violence. Bothare justly excluded. Within 
the past year there have been anarchistic assaults 
upon the king of Belgium, the king of Spain, and the 
Fre nM^re iuier; and plots have been made against 
^the ™Br the German emperor, of the king of Italy, 
and of the Czar of Russia, to say nothing of the at- 

256 God and Government 

tempts of armed cranks to get at the President of the 
United States. 

All these crimes remind us of the necessity of vigi- 
lance against anarchism. The appointment, last year, 
of a special immigration inspector to learn who the 
European anarchists are, and to keep track of their 
movements, was decided upon because it was thought 
important to gather information about all kinds of 
potential assassins, not only those who seek to kill 
rulers or government officials, but also those who 
incite murder by anarchistic teaching. The experiences 
of the past, supplemented by the threatening dangers 
of the present, remind us that the solution of the 
anarchist problem is not the easy offhand work of a 
day, but that it is a complicated and a vital issue that 
will require our best statecraft, sustained by the loy- 
alty and patriotism of the entire country. 

Lynch Law 

Lynchings are revolting ulcers on our body politic 
sadly indicating the poison of anarchy in the life- 
blood of American society. The seeds of disloyalty 
sown by the organization of the Ku-Klux-Klan in 
the reconstruction days of the Central South have 
generated a deadly upas of social disorder ^^^ is in 
recent years bringing forth an abundantHPrest of 
barbarism in the infamous atrocities of Ivnch law. 

Supremacy of Law 257 

Though the unlawful execution of criminals is 
supposed to have been introduced by a man named 
Lynch long before the Ku-Klux days, yet the 
alarming increase of lynchings in the United States 
is doubtless to be accounted for in the manner here 
indicated. The organization referred to was originally 
in the hands of good men, who never dreamed of re- 
sorting to violence, much less to murder, but who 
simply proposed, by apparent legitimate and syste- 
matic methods of intimidation, to shield themselves 
against the thieving propensities of that class of 
Southern plantation negroes who had become demor- 
alized and unruly by the suddenly conferred and 
much abused boon of emancipation. 

But the result in this and all similar instances 
shows that it is always dangerous to resort to an 
unlawful expedient even for the accomplishment of 
what may appear to be a laudable and praiseworthy 
purpose. Crusaders, though actuated by good motives 
in advocating commendable reforms, must be careful 
to keep their endeavors within the limits prescribed 
by law, otherwise, they may, by unlawful proceedings, 
inadvertently institute mischievous practices calcu- 
lated to attract disloyal elements and to generate 
disorders, leading to actual crime and violent abom- 
inations. Such was the case in the history of the 
notorious Ku-Klux-Klan, which in its evil course of 

258 God and Government 

events, as it extended its unruly membership, passed 
from bad to worse by going over from a once 
harmless vigilance to ultimate criminal violence as 
manifested in unlawfully whipping and killing negroes 
and terrorizing the people until it became a vast con- 
spiracy against the public peace, and originated the 
horrible practice of lynchings, which are a growing 
menace of the country to-day, although the organi- 
zation that formally introduced those barbarities has 
long since disappeared and no longer exists as an 
organized body. 

The earlier lynchings, it is alleged, were the des- 
perate efforts of the people to protect their women 
from the outrageous assaults of black monsters who 
fully deserved the terrible penalties inflicted upon 
them. But the public records of lynchings show that 
as time rolled on the mania for lynch law continued to 
grow, negroes were lynched not only for high crimes 
but for the most trivial reasons, such as unpopularity, 
violating contracts, testifying in court, refusing to tell 
where fugitives were concealed, being relatives of 
accused persons, etc. 

The fact that during the last five years one hundred 
and forty-seven white persons were lynched indicates 
that these outrages are no longer limited to negroes. 
The frequent occurrence of lynchings in the other 
States within the last few years shows that these atroc- 

Supremacy of Law 259 

ities are no longer confined to the South, but that also 
the North, the East, and the West, and, indeed, the 
whole of our fair-famed Union is threatening to become 
disgraced by these hellish barbarities, that are not 
only increasing in number, but are also growing in 
shocking brutality, so that out of the two thousand 
persons put to death by mobs in the United States, 
during the last ten years, fifteen were actually burned 
to death with demoniacal cruelties that will not bear 
description in decent public print. 

Such barbarisms are worse than the crimes for 
which they are inflicted. Much sadder indeed than 
the appalling increase of crime is the alarming growth 
of lynch law resorted to in the unlawful and brutal 
retaliation of crime in America. No commonwealth 
in the Union can tolerate lynchings without losing 
caste abroad and suffering moral deterioration at 
home. Lynchings have aggravated criminal violence 
in this country. Crime is not diminished but increased 
by barbarisms in the infliction of punishment. Great 
Britain's history under Henry VIII, when two hundred 
and sixty-three crimes were punishable by death, and 
when, as it is claimed, seventy-two thousand persons 
were executed during his sovereignty, is an historic 
object lesson demonstrating that a reign of terror 
is no protection to society, and that crime thrives 
on horrible penalties. If newspaper reports be true, 

260 God and Government 

black desperadoes were never more numerous, criminal 
violence was never more frequent, and white women 
were never less secure than now in those States where 
burnings and lynchings originated and have been most 
frequent in recent years. When, in view of such a 
baleful progeny and progress of lynch law, we think 
of the cruelties in the dreadful days of the Council of 
Ten in Venice and of the terrors of the Inquisition we 
may with deep concern raise the question, What shall 
the harvest be if these burnings and lynchings continue 
to multiply m number and to increase in cruelty as 
they have in the last two decades of our history? 

Surely it is time for Americans to realize the danger 
and the inexcusableness of mob violence. Though 
the Vigilants of '49 in the border mining camps or in 
frontier communities, where legal authority had not 
been fully organized, had a mission with some shadow 
of excuse for the punishment of crime without due 
process of law, there can be no reasonable apology 
for lynch law in our time when we have established 
courts in all parts of the Republic, besides all the legal 
machinery that is necessary for the dispensation of 

We have undoubtedly reached a crisis in this matter 
of lynch law. The eyes of God and the world are 
upon us, and we as the people of a great nation shall 
be eternally responsible for these damnable atrocities 

Supremacy of Law 261 

unless we seek by every legitimate means to clear our 
skirts from the infamy of such abominations. Terrible 
crimes must, of course, be speedily and severely pun- 
ished, but fiendish mobs, whose brutalities put even 
savagery to shame, must not be allowed to escape 
unpunished. The swift punishment of the mob is 
indeed just as essential to the administration of justice 
and the maintenance of law and order as is the pun- 
ishment of the criminal. Too many exhibitions of 
lawless savagery have already disgraced our civiliza- 
tion, and in order to avert the future progress of 
disloyalty and the ultimate overthrow of civil author- 
ity it is high time to call an abrupt and decisive 
halt to the mania for mob violence everywhere. 

The press, platform, and pulpit of the land must 
combine in a vigorous and unceasing campaign of 
education that will create, arouse, and maintain a 
healthy public sentiment that will condemn all sav- 
agery and establish loyalty to law and authority as a 
ruling principle among the people. The anti-lynching 
parties of the country must put forth every legitimate 
effort to labor harmoniously and effectively for the 
noble cause of law and order. The millions of Chris- 
tian people in the Churches must be called to the work 
and brought to apply every Oospel agency at their 
command to counteract immorality, to diminish 
crime, and to establish the supremacy of law. Patri- 

262 God and Government 

otic citizens must labor earnestly to counteract that 
moral apathy which tolerates crime without rebuke 
and seek to enforce the powers and penalties of the 
law. Our courts must abandon the delays which have 
done so much to encourage lynchings, and endeavor 
to be the impartial, diligent, and prompt dispensers of 
justice. Leaders of mobs, and in fact all participants 
of mob violence, should be unsparingly prosecuted; 
and State laws should be enacted in every common- 
wealth of the Union to hold the counties in which 
lynchings occur responsible under heavy penalties for 

such atrocities. 

Strike Disorders 

Organizations, as orderly bodies having commend- 
able purposes in view and operating within the bounds 
of the law, are invested with certain self-evident and 
indisputable rights and privileges. Both capitalists 
and laborers may, if they choose, respectively associate 
themselves together into corporations for business 
purposes and agree to abide by certain established 
rules and to be governed by chosen officers as their 
representatives or leaders. So long as such voluntary 
and self-constituted organizations are impelled by 
worthy motives and by legitimate proceedings, follow 
the lines of mutual interest and dependence, they 
serve a laudable purpose, and neither their existence 
nor their aims and efforts can be gainsaid. But the 

Supremacy of Law 263 

moment an organization of either capitalists or labor- 
ers steps beyond the bounds of its own fraternity 
and invades the rights of other corporations or indi- 
viduals, thereby disturbing the peace and safety of 
society, they become offenders of the law and intruders 
upon the rights of others, and are, therefore, no longer 
entitled to the respect and support of the people. 

Experience enlightened by our own industrial 
history proves, however, that the prestige of organiza- 
tion, though designed for mutual benefit, both in the 
fraternity of capital and labor, is, neverthelesss, as a 
rule, involved with temptation in the abuse of power. 
Insincere labor agitators on the one hand, and non- 
scrupulous capitalists on the other, have marshaled 
and clashed their forces against each other in industrial 
warfare, disturbing the peaceful business interests of 
the country. Both classes of such leaders are pubUc 
enemies. Neither has the happiness of their fellow-men 
or the welfare of their country at heart, but both are 
actuated by selfish motives and are liable to resort to 
unlawful expedientSjOr even violence, for dishonest gain. 

Ordinarily, under healthy social conditions, there 
should be no occasion for strife between capital and 
labor or between employers and their workmen. Both 
are mutually dependent up^n each other and are 
jointly interested in the benefits of peaceful and pro- 
gressive industry. But the sin of Judas, which is the 

264 God and Government 

curse of the ages, is liable to repeat itself not only in 
the avaricious disposition of dissatisfied workmen, 
but also in the revolutionary propensities of profes- 
sional labor agitators, who are workingmen in name 
only; and who get their living by their craft. Such 
men as leaders, enticed by the emoluments of gain 
and notoriety, are apt to seek provocations for griev- 
ances, and to venture the organizations which they 
represent into riotous strikes which make leaders 
conspicuous and equip them with official powers easily 
available for selfish purposes. 

The same principle of selfishness is liable to assert 
itself in a different manner through the tyrannies of 
heartless and grasping capitalists, who, regardless of 
every principle of honor, combine in a damnable con- 
spiracy, despotically to take advantage of common 
environments and necessities of the poor in order to 
press the lifeblood out of honest workmen at the 
least possible cost and with the largest possible gain 
to themselves. Capitalists of this type, posing as 
employers, are the enemies of peaceful industry and 
the progenitors of tyrannies that produce tyrannies. 
Thus the flagrant abuse of power on the part of either 
capitalists or workmen, or both combined, as the case 
may be, generates the anarchy and violence that so 
frequently disturb our industrial peace and disgrace 
our civilization. 

Supremacy of Law 265 

The terror and danger of mob violence is clearly 
divulged in the history of strikes in America, and the 
imperial mob, which is the real despot of the country, 
stands self-condemned by its own record of ruinous 
tyranny. Mob violence in strikes has repeatedly 
stopped our great railway systems; has frequently 
closed our mines, our factories, and indeed all our 
leading industries; has often caused panics and hard 
times; has wantonly applied the torch to valuable 
properties ; has paralyzed the various lines of trade ; 
has endangered our public carriers with dynamite 
and other dangerous explosives; has thrown thou- 
sands of workmen out of employment; has brought 
starvation and want into the homes of the poor; 
has occasioned great loss of life, time, and wealth; has 
embarrassed our people with the outrageous and 
humiliating impositions of the boycott, besides en- 
gendering innumerable cruelties that are scarcely 
surpassed by the savagery of heathendom. 

Disorders of this kind are the abettors of anarchy 
and must be abolished in the defense of life, liberty, 
and happiness. The suppression of such atrocities 
is, however, difficult, for the reason that the partici- 
pants in these abominations are voters, and therefore 
politicians cowering before their voting power are 
frequently coerced into silence or laxity in the enforce- 
ment of the laws against such flagrant intrusions upon 

266 God and Government 

civil authority. But our government would be a sad 
failure indeed if it could not protect its citizens, their 
fortunes, and their lives against the disgraceful tyr- 
annies of mob violence. 

There needs to be a realization of the fact that the 
solution of the question of mob violence in strikes is 
not a mere party issue, or a sectional or State affair, 
but that it is a national problem to be solved in 
defense of orderly society against anarchy in the 
United States. 

Doubtless our statecraft sustained by the power of 
Christian sentiment and present tendencies toward 
industrial peace will be fully equal to the task in the 
solution of this momentous problem. The settlement 
of the great coal strike through the intervention of 
the President of the United States has scored a dis- 
tinct triumph for the principles of arbitration and 
has strengthened the possibilities of industrial peace. 
Arbitration, however, to accomplish its mission in the 
pacification of our industrial future, must become 
compulsory. To this end labor unions, as well as 
business corporations, must become incorporated un- 
der State laws, so that they can be held responsible 
for the awards of the courts of arbitration. The 
announcement, therefore, that certain important labor 
organizations contemplate becoming incorporated is a 
step in the right direction toward establishing a per- 

Supremacy of Law 267 

manent guaranty that henceforth agreements between 
employees and employers can be enforced upon both 
parties alike. As we advance in the arts of industrial 
peace, experience will teach the benefits of such in- 
corporations, other labor unions will follow in the 
same line, and eventually the abominations of strike 
warfare will be abolished through the salutary media- 
tions of compulsory arbitration. 

Polygamy and Divorce 

Restrictive measures against polygamy and divorce 
have for years been intelligently and popularly re- 
garded as moral necessities and public safeguards in 
defense of the purity and stability of the home life 
of the American people; and doubtless the irresistible 
force of growing public sentiment aroused, not only 
to the white heat of pure patriotic indignation, but 
impelled to radical and decisive action, will eventually 
command and enforce congressional legislative action 
against these twin gigantic evils. 

Neither of the restrictions proposed is new. Both 
measures are living issues of long standing and have, 
indeed, already received much legislative consider- 
ation. Divorce laws are embodied in the statutes of 
every State in the Union, and laws against polygamy 
are not only included in all State laws which adhere 
to the principles of monogamy in holy matrimony, 

268 God and Government 

but aside from all these considerations in State legis- 
lation, polygamy has been thrice rebuked, and in a 
measure restrained, by the passage of the Edmunds 
Law in 1882, by the exclusion of Brigham H. Roberts, 
the defiant polygamist representative from the fifty- 
sixth Congress, and by the vigorous protest against 
the seating of Senator Smoot, of Utah. Both the 
divorce laws of the various States and the anti- 
polygamy laws of the nation have accomplished 
effective and beneficial results, although it is now 
becoming more and more apparent that, on account 
of the conflicting differences in State divorce laws and 
the abused power of Statehood conferred upon Utah, 
further legislative action through Congress and by the 
way of a federal Constitutional Amendment is abso- 
lutely necessary for adequate restrictions against the 
demoralizing encroachments of polygamy and divorce 
in the United States. 

The proposition of a Constitutional Amendment 
empowering Congress to make laws regulating mar- 
riages and divorces has been before former sessions of 
Congress, and though it has thus far failed to secure 
much favorable consideration, yet the recent enact- 
ment of a new divorce law, in and for the District of 
Columbia, has encouraged Congressman Taylor, of 
Ohio, to renewed energy in behalf of his bill providing 
for a constitutional amendment to this effect. The 

Supremacy of Law 269 

new law in the District of Columbia provides that, 
although separation may be granted for other reasons, 
infidelity shall be the only reason for absolute divorce, 
and that in such cases only the innocent party may 
remarry. A national law of this kind, to be enacted 
and made effective in all the States of the Union, is 
now regarded with much favor by many of our best 
people and some of our leading statesmen. 

At the same time the people over in Utah and her 
adjoining States in the Mormon territory of the West 
are beginning to realize that in spite of the enact- 
ment of the Edmunds Law and the rejection of 
Roberts, the question of polygamous Mormonism is 
still unsolved. They see from unmistakable evidence 
that the public disavowals of polygamy by the Mormon 
hierarchy a few years ago were insincere, and that 
many of the Latter-Day Saints, as well as some of the 
most prominent of their official leaders, are still, both 
in theory and in practice, the secret adherents to the 
doctrine of polygamy as originally instituted by 
Joseph Smith, the founder of Mormonism, and as still 
incorporated in the articles of the Mormon faith. 
Mormonism has grown from less than twenty thou- 
sand adherents in the days of Joseph Smith to three 
hundred thousand devotees 6f to-day, and with the 
political sagacity and adroitly applied influence of 
Mormon leaders, colonizing Utah's adjoining territory 

270 God and Government 

for the purpose of controlling balances of power 
between political parties in other States — Idaho, 
Wyoming, Colorado, Nevada, California, Arizona, 
Oregon, Washington, and Montana — are threatened 
to be made political allies of the Mormon kingdom. 
'That," says Dr. T. C. Iliff, '' would mean twenty 
United States senators and about as many represent- 
atives controlled by a trio of polygamists with head- 
quarters on Brigham Street, Salt Lake City, and 
polygamists from Utah sitting in both ends of the 
national Capitol." 

To avert such an ascendency, not of Mormonism 
as a religious creed, but of polygamy, which is only 
another name for adultery and prostitution, our 
federal Constitution should, as speedily as possible, 
be so amended as forever to prohibit polygamus 
practices throughout the land, and also to deprive 
polygamists of the right of franchise and of the 
power of holding office in either our civil or military 
service. In this measure lies our only hope of effect- 
ive warfare against the disgraceful and demoralizing 
abomination of polygamy. 

But as a detaining impediment, the question arises : 
"Which is the greater evil of the two — fornication 
by divorce or fornication by polygamy?" Let us 
not argue the question. In God's eyes the one sin 
is doubtless as damnable as the other; and in order 

Supremacy of Law 271 

to be consistent, to save time, to shorten the work, 
and to combine the advocates of both reforms in one 
strong, united force, why not make the proposed 
federal restriction against both polygamy and 
divorce twin measures to be provided for in one 
Constitutional Amendment? 

The urgent and immediate necessity of such 
restrictions is not by any means in doubt. Both 
the growing mania for divorce, disclosed by the 
increasing thousands of divorces granted annually 
by the courts in all the States of the Union, and the 
rapid increase of polygamous practices, divulged by 
actual authenticated facts in Mormon history and 
present-day life, are the appalling and alarming 
evils threatening us with national dangers that 
should arouse the eternal vigilance and the combined 
Christian forces of the whole country. There can 
be no reasonable apology for disharmony or indiffer- 
ence regarding these measures. The restrictions 
here proposed in defense of the home life of the 
nation would not be an infringement upon State 
rights nor would it be an intrusion upon religious 
liberty. Only federal legislation can accomplish a 
conformity of divorce laws throughout the Republic, 
and only national laws can ever hope to abolish 
polygamy in Utah, since she has been endowed with 
the powers of Statehood. Mormon opposition to 

272 God and Government 

any further restrictions against polygamy is unim- 
peachable evidence of the importance of the pro- 
posed amendment. 

Now is the day of opportunity for successful 
action to accomplish the desired restrictions against 
both polygamy and divorce. Perhaps never before 
in all our history were the great majority of our 
people, throughout the land, more desirous of safe- 
guarding the home life of the nation by the federal 
law than now. Not only our citizenship in general 
but even Mormonism among the more enlightened 
class of Latter-Day Saints is beginning to realize as 
perhaps never before that polygamy is a demoraliz- 
ing and a disgraceful evil that must be abolished 
in defense of purity in the home and stability of 
government in the nation. 

Though the Anti-Polygamy Amendment Bill was 
smothered in the House Committee of the fifty- 
seventh Congress, yet the supporters of this bill, as 
also the friends of the Anti-Divorce measure, should 
not and will not be discouraged, but continue their 
energetic labors with the hope of success in the next 
Congress or in coming time. 

Besides resorting to prohibitory legislation, how- 
ever, it must be remembered that the solution of our 
Mormon problem requires not only the prohibitory 
powers of the law, but also the salutary powers of 

Supremacy of Law 273 

the Gospel, and that the crusade against polygamy 
is largely a work of Christian missions in the yet 
unevangelized Mormon territory of the great West. 

In this great home missionary field the Utah 
Gospel Mission, an undenominational organization 
incorporated in Cleveland, 0., has begun a noble 
work of evangelism which should receive the support 
and cooperation of all Evangelical Churches, and, in 
fact, of all patriotic citizens who are interested in the 
proper solution of the Mormon problem. 

Legal Reform 

The question of legal reform is a perpetual living 
issue m our civilization. Continuous changes in our 
judicial needs and in our social environments neces- 
sitate corresponding changes in law. Hence, the 
need of the perennial changes in our statutory laws, 
which, indeed, are so frequently revised that our com- 
mon people, as a rule, are scarcely able to keep them- 
selves posted on our legal code. 

American aggressiveness in lawmaking has devel- 
oped codes of laws and systems of court machinery 
unsurpassed by the combined legislative and judicial 
skill of the civilized world. Theoretically, our 
legal reforms have usually met the real needs of the 
people, and to-day our laws are doubtless, in a literal 
sense, about all that is desirable or necessary, for the 

274 God and Government 

present, in a legal code for the administration of 

Our efficiency in the dispensation of justice, how- 
ever, is not, by far, equal to our efficiency in law- 
making, and the result is that in spite of all our legal 
machinery, both State and national, our courts are 
failing to meet the actual needs and the just expecta- 
tions of the people. "The letter killeth, but the 
spirit maketh alive." Much law and little justice in 
our courts make legal proceedings a farce and gen- 
erates loss of confidence in our legal tribunals as 
effective agencies in the redress of either private or 
public wrongs. "Blessed are those who do not 
expect anything in law, for they shall not be dis- 
appointed." If this proverbial beatitude is appli- 
cable to civil law, it certainly is applicable to criminal 
law. Indeed, the number of convictions in criminal 
cases is so scandalously out of proportion to the 
number of crimes committed that our administra- 
tion of criminal law has fallen so low in disrepute 
that people are despairingly saying our laws are made 
to defeat prosecution and to facilitate the escape of 
criminals, who appear under such conditions to be 
the privileged classes of the country. 

All concede that such a state of affairs should not 
be. The American people, with a republican form 
of government under a federal Constitution which 

Supremacy of Law 275 

prohibits the granting of patents of nobility to citi- 
zens, do not beUeve in privileged classes of any kind 
and most emphatically never had the remotest inten- 
tion of making contemptible thieves and murderers 
the privileged classes of the land by shielding them 
against the deserved penalties of the law, even at the 
high price of sacrificed public honor and safety. As 
a rule our people abhor crime and desire law and 
order. Our public sentiment demands that the 
criminal, though he is to be accorded every iota of 
justice due him, shall not in any sense be so shielded 
against the penalties of the law as to arouse or main- 
tain the suspicion that he is the favored character 
in our criminal courts. The common idea is that 
the evil-doer should have a fair and impartial and a 
speedy trial, but nothing more that would either 
directly or indirectly defeat an honest vindication 
of the law. 

Therefore, in recognition of the will of the people, 
as well as in compliance with the just intentions of 
the law, criminal tactics to defeat justice in our 
courts should be rebuked and forbidden. Perjurers 
upon the witness stand or in the jury box should be 
unsparingly prosecuted. Criminal lawyers should 
be honest expounders of law and sincere defenders 
of justice, and the disreputable attorneys who would 
knowingly and willfully seek by foul means to clear 

276 God and Government 

red-handed criminals, and thus bring disrepute upon 
criminal courts, should be abhorred and condemned 
by public sentiment and promptly discharged from 
the practice of law in our courts. 

That a certain degree of charity for criminals, 
even after conviction for crime, is justifiable and 
commendable, is universally conceded. Vengeance 
should not be a factor in punishment. Justice tem- 
pered by Christian charity, seeking not only to pun- 
ish, but also, if possible, to reform the criminal and 
to reclaim him from vice and crime should be the 
motto of prison administration. Accordingly, it is 
gratifying to see that such plausible measures as the 
probation of criminals, indeterminate sentences, 
reparation for injury, prison dietaries, civil service 
in prison administration, etc., are being thoroughly 
discussed and favorably considered. 

But the vital question in legal reform is. How can 
the malpractices of criminal courts be abolished and 
the supremacy of law be obtained? Let some of our 
leading jurists speak and answer the question. 
President J. J. McCarthy, of the Iowa Bar Associa- 
tion, regards the prevalence of perjury and bribery 
in American courts of justice as our greatest evil. 
''Where," says he, "is there a lawyer who has not 
seen the guilty criminal pass out of the court room 
acquitted and set free because of perjured testimony? 

Supremacy of Law 277 

What one of us but has seen the rights of persons and 
property sacrificed and trampled under foot; presum- 
ably under due form of law, but really and truly by 
the use of corrupt and false and sometimes purchased 
testimony? These are things that beget distrust 
and disrespect for the courts and for verdicts and for 
our boasted form of law. These are the things that 
produce anarchy, lynching, and invite just con- 
tempt as well as lack of confidence in those tribunals 
called courts of justice. One judge of long expe- 
rience upon the bench writes me that, in his opinion, 
about one half of all the evidence received on behalf 
of the defense in criminal cases is false. Another 
judge of equally high repute writes that he believes 
seventy-five per cent of the evidence offered in di- 
vorce cases approaches deliberate perjury. Another 
writes that perjury is committed in a majority of 
important lawsuits, and that the crime is rapidly 
increasing. In short, with reference to the preva- 
lence of perjury, the time has come when, in the 
words of another, justice must wear a veil, not that 
she may be impartial, but that she may hide her face 
for shame." Mr. McCarthy proposes remedies. He 
says oaths are too common. He favors the abolition 
of all official oaths and the emphatic administration 
of the judicial oath. He believes that the judge 
himself should administer all oaths; that it should 

278 God and Government 

be done with gravity and solemnity, and that wit- 
nesses should be told that extreme punishment would 
be meted out to perjurers. Then he holds that the 
law should be enforced, that perjury should be 
swiftly and severely punished, and if so punished 
a strong public sentiment would rapidly grow up 
against it, and men would hesitate before com- 
mitting this most heinous, wicked, and cruel crime. 

Judge I. C. Parker, of the United States District 
Court for the Western District of Arkansas, who has 
presided over more than one hundred murder trials, 
proposes as a remedy in legal reform the establish- 
ment of appellate criminal courts. He says: "To 
destroy the greatest of all promoters of crime I would 
remodel the appellant court system. I would organ- 
ize in the States and in the nation courts of criminal 
appeals, made up of judges learned in the criminal 
law, and governed by a desire for its speedy and vig- 
orous enforcement. I would have sent to these 
courts a full record of the trial, and they should be 
compelled to pass upon the case as soon as possible 
according to its merits, and ascertain the guilt or 
innocence of the accused from the truth and the law 
of the case manifest on record. I would brush aside 
all technicalities that did not affect the guilt or inno- 
cence of the accused. I would not permit them to 
act on a partial record, or on any technical pleas 

Supremacy of Law 279 

concocted by cunning minds. I would provide by 
law against the reversal of cases unless upon their 
merits innocence was manifested. The guilt or 
innocence of the party should be the only guide. I 
would require prompt action upon the part of the 
court. By the establishment of courts of this kind 
public confidence, in a great measure lost at the 
present time, would be restored, and the people 
would again be taught to depend upon legal protec- 
tion against crime, and in this way a vigorous 
support to the courts and juries would be given by 
the masses of the people looking toward the law's 

Justice Brewer, of the United States Supreme 
Court, deplores the law's delays and the failure of 
the courts to meet the public necessities. The legal 
profession, he says, is becoming crowded with unfit 
men, who are debasing it into the meanest of voca- 
tions, and it would be a blessing to all true lawyers, as 
well as to the people, if some Noachian deluge would 
engulf half of those who have a license to practice. 
The remedy for the prevailing evils and abuses in the 
administration of justice he indicates as follows: 
"Shorten the time of process. Curtail the right of 
continuances. When once B, case has been com- 
menced deny to every other court the right to inter- 
fere or take jurisdiction of any matter that can be 

280 God and Government 

brought by either party into the pending Utigation. 
Limit the right of reviews. Terminate all review in 
one appellate court, and instead of assuming that in- 
jury was done if error is shown, require the party 
complaining of a judgment or decree to show affirma- 
tively not merely that some error was committed in 
the trial, but also that if that error had not been 
committed the result must necessarily have been 
different. In criminal cases there should be no 
appeal. I say it with reluctance, but the truth is 
that you can trust a jury to do justice to the accused 
with more safety than you can an appellate court to 
secure protection to the public by the speedy pun- 
ishment of a criminal. To guard against any pos- 
sible wrong to an accused a board of review and 
pardons might be created with power to set aside a 
conviction or reduce the punishment if on the full 
record it appears, not that a technical error has been 
committed, but that the defendant is not guilty or 
has been excessively punished.'* 

Let the opinions of such experienced jurists as 
these be heard and proclaimed throughout the land 
and practically applied in the accomplishment of 
a radical and healthy law reform that shall meet 
the actual needs of the people and restore public 
confidence to our legal tribunals. 



My country! 'tis of thee, 
Sweet land of liberty, 

Of thee I sing: 
Land where my fathers died! 
Land of the pilgrims' pride! 
From every mountain side 

Let freedom ring! 

My native country, thee. 
Land of the noble, free, 

Thy name I love; 
I love thy rocks and rUls, 
Thy woods and templed hills: 
My heart with rapture thrills 

Like that above. 

Let music swell the breeze. 
And ring from all the trees 

Sweet freedom's song: 
Let mortal tongues awake; 
Let all that breathe partake; 
Let rocks their silence break, 

The sound prolong. 

Our fathers' God! to thee, 
Author of liberty, 

To thee we sing: 
Long may our land be bright 
With freedom's holy light; 
Protect us by thy might, 

Great God, our King! 

—Rev. S. F. Smith. 



" Fellow citizens with the samts." — Eph. 2. 19. 

UNITED STATES citizens sojourning in other 
lands do not, on account of their foreign resi- 
dence, lose their American citizenship; and if they be 
ambassadors or pubUc servants of the government, or if 
they be missionaries going forth to other lands to pro- 
claim the Gospel of Christ, their children, though 
born in other lands, lose none of the rights and priv- 
ileges which pertain to persons born within the ter- 
ritory of our own national domain. Such children, 
though having had their birth and their residence in 
other lands, are citizens of their parents' country. 

In like manner Christian citizens, as children of 
the heavenly King, born from the Spirit above, 
sojourning as pilgrims on earth and having no con- 
tinuing city or abiding residence in this transitory 
world below, have a noble birthright in the heavenly 
land; and with that noble heritage in view the fol- 
lowers of King Jesus in every State and Territory of 
our Republic will do well in pursuance of the teach- 
ings of the divine Word to recognize the true rela- 


284 God and Government 

tionship of citizenship to saintship and reverently 
to subordinate the faithful discharge of civil duties 
to the supremacy of the great and glorious fact of 
their eternal citizenship in heaven from whence they 
look for the reappearance of their coming Lord. 

"Children of the heavenly King, 
As ye journey sweetly sing; 
Sing your Saviour's worthy praise, 
Glorious in his works and ways." 

The poet's suggestion of joy and song is certainly 
in harmony with the spirit and purpose of true 
Christian citizenship, which, aside from its happy 
mission of useful service and noble victory here 
below, enjoys also the promise of saintly citizenship 
in the heavenly kingdom. 

The close alliance of Christianity and citizenship 
is indeed a significant and a happy sign of our times. 
Once it was supposed that the Master's saying, "My 
kingdom is not of this world, " implied a divorcement 
of all religion from citizenship and that, in conse- 
quence of that, true Christians could not afford to 
take much interest in politics without falling from 
grace and becoming disloyal to their Lord. But the 
time has come when a better exegesis of that Gospel 
saying reveals the fact that what our Lord meant 
and said indicates that the authority in virtue of 

Christian Citizenship 285 

which he reigns was not derived from this world, 
but from the Father above, who by the sovereignty 
of his Son ruleth in the kingdom of men. No, 
Christ's kingdom is not of this workl, but for this 
world and the world to come, and, therefore, not only 
the salvation of the individual, but also the salvation 
of society, of the State, of the nation, and of the 
world lies within the purpose and providence of his 
saving grace. The State or nation is as truly divine 
as is the Church of which it is in reality the divinely 
designed outcome as a social organization invested 
with the authority and power of sovereignty. The 
Christian citizen may, therefore, be as much a serv- 
ant of his Lord in the politics of his country as in 
the sacred duties of his home or his Church; and it 
is, therefore, his duty and privilege to labor and pray 
not only for the salvation of individual souls and the 
success of the Church, but also to seek by reforma- 
tory endeavor to make the kingdoms of this world 
become the kingdoms of Christ. 

Christian citizenship, therefore, stands for certain 
definite national reforms on Gospel principles. The 
ideal citizen-politician in our Christian Republic is 
the man to whom the great importance of applied 
Christianity in public affairs is ever present, who 
accepts the Bible as his statesman's manual, and 
whose political endeavor or statesmanship is but a 

286 God and Government 

subordinate element of vitalized Christianity. The 
Gospel virtues should, therefore, be vitalized in the 
personality of a pure and intelligent American man- 
hood, characterized by the noble attributes of Chris- 
tian citizenship and imbued with a deep sense of the 
fact that every individual contributes a quota to 
the life of the nation, and is, therefore, responsible 
to his country and his God for the potency and tend- 
ency of his influence. 

Realizing our dependence upon divine aid in all 
things we shall do well in our endeavor of personify- 
ing ideal Christian citizenship in our individual lives 
to remember the divine injunction: ^^ Have faith in 
God. " Christian faith, which has been such a power- 
ful factor in our national history and political destiny, 
is still and must continue to be an essential attribute 
of aggressive and truly American citizenship in our 
national future. Deistical sociology, which adheres 
to the false doctrine of purely secular or man-made 
government and looks upon God as wholly external 
to the machinery of sovereignty — as a Creator who, 
in Carlyle's phrase, " having wound up the universe, 
contents himself with sitting on the outside of it and 
seeing it go" — is both un-Christian and un-American, 
and is, therefore, unworthy and unbecoming as an 
attribute in our citizenship. True it is, and it must 
be regretfully conceded that there is, even to-day, 

Christian Citizenship 287 

a great deal of practical atheism among our people, 
as manifested in the flagrant abuse of the elective 
franchise, in the disrespect for civil law, in the vio- 
lence and recklessness of political partisanism, and 
in the tendency toward setting aside the basic prin- 
ciples of republicanism by permitting the strong to 
oppress the weak; but the fact remains, and nothing 
is plainer in our past history and in our present day 
political life than that God is a sovereign power in 
our government and that Christian faith, which has 
characterized typical American citizenship from 
Washington to our best statesmen of the present day, 
is still and must, for the life and future prosperity of 
our Republic, continue to be a vital and an essen- 
tial quality in the individual disposition of our 

Moreover, true faith in God implies faith in human- 
ity, a disposition which is also essential in good citi- 
zenship. While there is much depravity in human 
nature, yet all is not vile in man; and the fact of 
redemption and saving grace through Christ should 
inspire faith in redeemed humanity. But infidelity 
against God also generates infidelity against human- 
ity, and, as a rule, both kinds of infidelity thrive 
best where depravity is greatest. The two men in 
ancient history, Nero and Heliogabalus, of whom 
it is recorded that they firmly believed that no human 

288 God and Government 

being was pure, were undoubtedly the meanest and 
most contemptible men ever produced by a corrupt 
and decaying civilization. Alas that the dark and 
forlorn misconception of these debased tyrants did 
not die with them in those ancient days, but has 
survived them and has also manifested its blighting 
influence in degenerated characters of mediaeval and 
modern times. We read of Diogenes searching in 
daylight with a lantern to find a man in the streets of 
Athens, of Phocion inquiring if he had said anything 
wrong to have occasioned a given demonstration of 
applause in his speech before the people, of Pyrrho 
describing men as a herd of swine rioting on board a 
rudderless vessel in a stormy sea, of La Rochefoucauld 
discarding even human virtues as only so many vices 
in disguise, of Voltaire describing humanity as a com- 
pound of bears and monkeys, and of Schopenhauer 
declaring the world and humanity hopelessly bad and 
growing worse. We see this same spirit of pessimistic 
infidelity manifested in the revolutionary fatalism 
which can see nothing but evil in the public officials of 
Church and State or in the civil and religious insti- 
tutions of our day and age. Men of this type may, 
to some extent, be the objects of some pity, as well 
as blame, because a diseased liver, a phlegmatic 
temperament, evil environment, disappointment in 
business or politics, betrayal of friends, imposition 

Christian Citizenship 289 

by scoundrels, and a thousand other causes beyond 
their control, may have operated to generate such 
unfortunate and forlorn state of mind and heart. 
However, such infidelity toward God or humanity 
disqualifies good citizenship and ought to be dis- 
couraged. The man w^ho has no faith in human 
nature and who habitually fosters a feeling of dis- 
pleasure and bitter distrust and condemnation for 
others shows unmistakable signs of depravity in his 
own evil disposition and deserves to be regarded as 
an unreliable character capable of strategy and 

Pure and wise disposition in citizenship will dis- 
countenance infidelity toward God or humanity and 
heed the good advice of Dr. F. W. Farrar when he 
says: "Look at man in his eternal aspect. Look 
not at the feet of clay, but at the golden head crowned 
with spiritual stars, and you will learn to say, as even 
the pagan moralist said: 'Man should be a sacred 
thing to man,' and with the Christian apostle: 
'Honor all men.' " 

Next to faith in God and in humanity stands 
patriotism as an attribute of Christian citizenship. 
Those who decry patriotism as the quintessence of 
selfishness and, under the plea of a higher and more 
fraternal civilization, propose to substitute for our 
love of country a kind of "milk and water cosmo- 

290 God and Government 

politanism" may mean well, but they certainly do not 
display that degree of intelligence, fidelity, and cour- 
age characteristic of good citizenship. Love for one's 
country is perfectly in harmony with our Lord's 
Golden Rule of love and good will toward our fellow- 
men. Just as a man keeping that rule may have 
particular friends or naturally and dutifully loves 
his wife and children more than he does those of his 
neighbor, and could not, in fact, keep that rule 
unless he did entertain such a sacred preference, so 
a man can and should love his own country more 
than he does any other nation. 

Love of country is a God-given and a common 
virtue of mankind. Among all people and in all 
nations that emotion of the soul which fosters un- 
dying affection for the land of man's nativity is 
enthroned as a national safeguard in human hearts. 
America is not an exception to the rule, and our 
patriotism is not inferior to that of other nations. 
Indeed, some of the noblest examples of patriotism 
ever produced in the annals of nations stand re- 
corded in American history. Quite naturally and 
spontaneously the sons and daughters of the great 
American Republic glory in their national heritage, 
and patriotism seems to be such a universal senti- 
ment among our people that no political party, 
no religious creed, and no section of country appears 

Christian Citizenship 291 

to have a monopoly of this noble attribute of 

If there has ever been a dearth of patriotism in this 
country then it is all the more pleasing and gratifying 
to observe in recent years what President Harrison 
in his day termed "a renaissance of patriotism," 
beginning with the great centennial celebration of 
1876 and maintained since then by the various 
patriotic societies, such as the Sons of the American 
Revolution, the Colonial Dames of America, the 
United States Daughters, the Mount Vernon Ladies' 
Association, and other bodies that have been organ- 
ized for the purpose of stimulating and cultivating a 
spirit of patriotism throughout the nation. 

The culture and propaganda of patriotic senti- 
ment is far more important in a Republic than it is 
in an autocratic government, and our national safety 
demands the inculcation of patriotic principles in the 
hearts of our people and a continuous strengthening 
of our popular faith in American institutions. The 
kind of patriotism we need is not the bombastic and 
hysterical kind, so common in Fourth of July oratory, 
nor of that kind which depreciates the dignity of 
other nations, or glories in the heroism of bloody con- 
quest, but a truly Christian patriotism consistent 
with the highest type of Gospel liberty and a morally 
progressive civilization. 

292 God and Government 

Kindred to true love of country is the disposition of 
self-sacrifice in Christian citizenship. Under God 
our RepubUc owes its origin to the self-sacrifice of 
our forefathers, who gave their prayers and their 
struggles, their tears and their lives as the price of 
our blood-bought liberty. Our nation's founders 
and her noblest heroes to the present day were 
American patriots not only in noble sentiment 
expressed in poetry or in song, in things written, or in 
things spoken, but in self-denying service expressed 
in deeds of valor in their country's behalf. Thus the 
principle of self-sacrifice has been and always will be 
an important factor in our best citizenship. 

Isolated selfishness, which knows no other motive 
than self-interest, which indulges no other passion 
but grasping greed, and which seeks no other en- 
deavor but self-aggrandizement, is absolutely un- 
worthy of any true American and should not disgrace 
or characterize our citizenship. Selfishness in our 
citizenship bodes ruin to the individual and the 
nation. '' For," saith the Lord, " whosoever will save 
his life shall lose it; but whosoever will lose his life 
for my sake shall find it." Innumerable historic 
evidences indicating that selfishness is a debasing 
curse and that self-sacrifice is an exalting virtue, 
both individually and socially, demonstrate and ver- 
ify the eternal truth of this Gospel declaration. As 

Christian Citizenship 293 

the true ideal of Christian citizenship grows and 
becomes predominant among our people, pubhc 
sentiment will condemn and repudiate selfish prin- 
ciples and practices both in public men and in politi- 
cal parties, and will stamp the national life with the 
gifts and graces of Christian charity. 

Self-sacrifice must be supplemented, however, by 
the heroic virtue of moral courage in our citizenship. 
Heroic courage has always been an important and 
laudable factor in civilization. In the annals of 
war in our own and other countries we read of men's 
deeds of daring and emulate their bravery. Though 
we do not glory in the exploits of mortal combat, yet 
we cannot help admiring the heroism and the courage 
of a Leonidas at Thermopylae, of an Arnold von 
Winkelried at Sempach, or of a Washington or a 
Jackson in our own history. Even such physical 
courage is the pride of heroic manhood and stands 
monumental in noble victories won as recorded in 
the history of nations. 

But higher still than physical courage, that will 
defy danger and even death in the clash of arms, is 
moral courage, that will endm^e the derision and 
contempt of the world for daring to do what is right 
in order to counteract the powers of wickedness and 
to promote the cause of truth and righteousness 
among men. Such examples of moral heroism are 

294 God and Government 

historically demonstrated in the courage of Christ 
before Pilate, of Paul on the Areopagus, of Athanasius 
against the world, of John Huss at Constance, of 
Martin Luther at Worms, and of Wesley facing the 
mobs of England. 

Reviewing the records of the great moral reforms 
in America, we can say without boasting that noble 
examples of moral courage have added luster to our 
national history. Aside from scores of names that 
might be quoted from our earlier history the more 
familiar names of James Russell Lowell and George 
William Curtis may here be mentioned as modern 
examples of moral courage applied to American 
social life. Both were men of splendid gifts and 
commanding influence, besides being actuated by 
strong righteous impulses that led them to devote 
the latter part of their useful lives to the earnest 
advocacy of reforms that were unpopular in their 
day and that could be accomplished only by cour- 
ageously rebuking wrong and faithfully witnessing 
to the truth which applied in actual life makes men 
free indeed. 

Such moral courage will doubtless be as much in 
demand in our future as it has been in our past 
history. There is still much work ahead for states- 
men and reformers. Great moral problems are 
pending for solution, and never in the history of our 

Christian Citizenship 295 

country was there a more inviting field for com- 
petent leadership in momentous reformatory meas- 
ures than has opened to our view in the beginning 
years of the century. Evidently we are on the eve 
of great social and industrial changes. Christian 
citizens must take their stand on the right side of 
great issues and do their part in the conflict for 
victory. What side to choose and what course 
ought to be pursued is usually not very difficult to 
determine. But frequently men are deficient in 
moral courage to show color and to do their duty as 
they see it before God. Many will halt between 
policy and principle, and in the hour of decision will 
only be too easily inclined to come out on the wrong 
side of pending issues. Heroic moral courage, ex- 
pressed in a faithful adherence to principle and in 
prompt and faithful discharge of duty in accordance 
with intelligent and positive convictions, is the only 
proper and becoming disposition of Christian citizen- 
ship on great living issues. 

Where moral courage predominates nonpartisan- 
ship will also prevail in the administration of Chris- 
tian citizenship. The man of principle may belong 
to a political party, but he will not be driven by the 
party lash to do homage to. political bosses or to 
become the slave to partisanship. 

Of course, in a popular government political 

296 God and Government 

parties are public necessities as agencies of volun- 
tary organization for the promotion of principles 
upon which men agree and for the decisions of ques- 
tions of policy, law, and government. But while 
political parties have a useful mission and are there- 
fore not to be regarded as necessarily of evil, yet 
the bitterness of the party spirit, as often asserted 
during the violent upheavals of political campaigns, 
is never, by any means, excusable or defensible, 
much less commendable. 

Notwithstanding all allowances that are to be 
made for the heat of passion and the exaggeration of 
language which controversy over great issues is apt 
to engender there can, from a Christian standpoint, 
be no apology for what there is of wrath, of clamor, 
of evil-speaking, of reputation smirching, and of 
partisan vilification so common during our political 
campaigns. Libelous and slanderous vituperations 
through our political press and platform have a very 
sinister influence both at home and abroad. For- 
eigners judging our political status from such cam- 
paign oratory and literature must conclude that our 
popular government is a miserable failure and that our 
public men are criminals of the worst type. Public 
confidence at home is demoralized by such indis- 
criminate detractions. Good men, who cannot afford 
to sacrifice the honors of a good reputation by expo- 

Christian Citizenship 297 

sure to unprincipled political slander, are deterred 
from politics and bad men, who have little honor to 
lose, but who have much to gain from political 
success, are naturally drawn into the public service, 
and the result is seen in the official maladministra- 
tions that so frequently disgrace our public service. 

The dangers of blind partisanship which sees its 
own party all white and other parties all black, which 
keeps self-seekers and scoundrels in office, which 
obstructs important legislation and enables party 
bosses to fatten on the boodle of political spoils, 
should be vigilantly guarded and counteracted by 
the supremacy of a pure and unbiased patriotism 
prevailing over prejudiced motives and corrupt 
practices in our political life. With the common 
sense and moral sentiment of thousands of patriotic 
citizens throughout the land, and with the host of 
independent voters, who prize political purity and 
good government higher than the vain glory of 
mere party triumph, there is at least a reasonable 
hope for the future prevalence of patriotism over 
partisanship in America. 

But to insure this desirable result the fundamental 
virtue of integrity must not be wanting in our citi- 
zenship. Though American- integrity doubtless com- 
pares favorably with the political honesty of other 
nations, yet it cannot be denied that in our country, 

298 God and Government 

as well as in others, dishonesty, effectively applied 
in fraudulent political methods, always has been, 
and is to-day, a dangerous and a corrupting partisan 
power in the hands of unprincipled politicians. 
Wlien we see the evidences of fraud in election 
returns, the power of money in legislation, and the 
merchandise of the sacred franchise by men who 
will unblushingly sell their votes for all sorts of 
bribes, from pledges of public patronage and sums 
of money down to cigars and drinks of beer or whis- 
ky, we have reason to fear that even in our day 
there may be the same or similar conditions of dis- 
honor in our politics that induced Sir Robert Wal- 
pole, of England, in his time to declare with refer- 
ence to the political conditions of his country that 
"every man has his price." 

There is some consolation in the thought that it 
was Patrick Henry who did honor to the integrity 
of American patriotism when he supplemented 
Walpole's reflection with the significant declaration, 
"But my price is the kingdom." Millions of patri- 
otic and bribeless sons and daughters of American 
liberty would, doubtless, say as much to-day; and 
it is a hopeful sign of our times that in recent years 
so much attention is paid to the personal character 
of political aspirants, and especially with reference 
to their integrity and reliability in places of public 

Christian Citizenship 299 

trust, and that dishonest office seekers have less and 
less opportunity of political success. Experience 
has taught our people that "vigilance is the price 
of liberty," and patriotic precaution against cor- 
ruption is manifesting a growing intolerance for 
political rascality and is establishing the laudable 
precedent that only men of stainless honesty and 
unimpeachable character are desirable and available 
in our official service. 

But all the aforementioned characteristics of 
faith, patriotism, self-sacrifice, moral courage, non- 
partisanship, and integrity must, in true adherence 
to the Christian ideal of citizenship, be supplemented 
and sustained by the crowning disposition of loijalty. 
Without loyalty all our boast of liberty and ideal 
citizenship would be a contemptible sham. In a 
despotism of illegally assumed authority ruling in a 
manner contrary to every principle of liberty and 
justice there might, of course, be some apology for 
contempt of law, but in a Republic like ours there is 
neither provocation for nor dignity in sl refusal to 
recognize legal obligations on partisan or other 
grounds. Public officers though elected by party 
votes are not the officers of any particular party or 
faction, but the officers of nil the people, and laws 
though enacted by party power in authority are not 
the laws of a part but of the whole body politic. 

300 God and Government 

The world's greatest men in the history of nations 
have always condemned disloyalty as contemptible 
and mean, and have, as a rule, been law-abiding 
citizens, who entertained a self-respecting pride in 
their nationality and who, by a loyal recognition of 
duly constituted authority, deported themselves 
worthy of the personal benefits of Christian civiliza- 
tion. As our ideal of citizenship arises and advances 
on Christian principles men will perceive above a 
human contrivance a divine ordinance in civil gov- 
ernment and concede that obedience is required of 
all who would keep in harmony with the obligations 
and dignities of true Christian citizenship. 

Though in our country, in which every man is 
born a citizen-king, the disposition to rule is innate, 
yet the capacity or fitness to rule can only be ac- 
quired by first learning obedience. Of George 
Washington, the hero of the American Revolution 
and the father of his country, it is said that he 
learned to command by first learning to obey. This 
is doubtless true in every instance of efficient ruler- 
ship, whether it be in the home, the school, the 
municipality, the commonwealth, or the nation. 
Only by an intelligent study of our political life and 
sociological conditions, by patient and prudent 
training for patriotic usefulness, and by learning 
under wise and helpful counsels, the lesson of loyal 

Christian Citizenship 301 

subjection to superior authority, can those indis- 
pensable quaUfications of citizenship be best devel- 
oped in a man, so that, when the voice of the people 
calls him from the common labors of his ordinary 
vocation to the important duties of official life, he 
may be able to respond manfully to the call by an 
honorable and a successful administration of the 
responsibilities and powers of authority intrusted 
to his supervision and care. Thus, it is apparent that 
the typical American and the ideal citizen ought to 
be — indeed, must be — in the highest and broadest 
sense of the term, a Christian gentleman. 

Now, in the conclusion of this volume the writer is 
well aware that much diversity of thought prevails 
relative to the various topics treated in the pre- 
ceding chapters, but he has not aspired to meet the 
approval of all prevailing opinions, but has sought, 
in the fear of God, to express the truth as he sees it 
from a nonpartisan and a nonsectarian and yet a 
strictly Christian standpoint. May the truths herein 
expressed and already entertained by millions of our 
best citizens become more and more vitalized in the 
sentiment of our beloved people, and may God reign 
in our Republic and in all the world now and forever. 

Date Due 

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